HISTORICAL FACTORS IN THE SUCCESS OF MODERN ESTONIA

Author(s):  
Tetiana Orlova

The article is dedicated to the analysis of old and newest historical factors that have conditioned the most eminent success of a small state post-Soviet space wise. By choosing the return to the European community as its main vector of progress, Estonia has won a dignified position at the international arena within some 13 years. The country has acquired membership in the EU and NATO, thus further reinforcing its stance. The experience and support of Estonia has utter importance to Ukraine.

Author(s):  
L. S. Voronkov

On the basis of analysis of integration processes between Nordic, Benelux countries and post-soviet states in Europe the author expresses hesitations in accepting the integration experiences gained by the EU as the criterion of efficiency and the pattern for the post-Soviet space. He does not consider that an involvement of all countries with market economy into processes of regional integration, if they do not try to achieve certain political aims through integration, is the universal regularity in the globalized world. In these cases neither free trade zones nor custom unions can be considered as integration stages, but they continue to be the tools for further development of trade. The author proposes to assess the EU evolution with regard to the legal norms of international organizations, where state sovereignty of members is strengthened, not given up to supernational bodies. In case the idea of reestablishment of an unified state on the remains of the former USSR, linked to the necessity to hand over the recently acquired sovereignty to it, is laid down to the ground for practical measures of integration, this kind of integration will hardly be attractive to the potential post-Soviet participants. This perspective is hardly desired for Russia either. The integration path of the EU reflects the peculiarities of the European situation and specific interests of its member states. Many details of the EU activity are not applicable to other integration groupings in Europe and membership criteria in every of them is not universal. Any efforts to construct integration processes in the post-Soviet space in accordance to the EU model without proper consideration to integration experiences of other countries and to political, economic, social, cultural, demographic, military peculiarities of the countries concerned seem to be not acceptable and founded.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kozłowski

The study concerns the effectiveness of EU Post-Soviet Central Asian policy. The analysis of the EU strategy leads to two questions: why and how EU wants to engage this politically challenging region in the Post-Soviet Space. Regardless of satisfaction of EU bureaucracy with at best mediocre effects of undertaken actions, independent analysts perspective leads to a conclusion that EU does not use its own potential in the most effective way and its activity is sometimes more damaging than productive in terms of managing own assets as well as building its international reputation.


Author(s):  
Vitalii F. Ershov ◽  

The paper deals with the formation of a modern style of financial relations between the European Union and post-Soviet states. The author explores the objectives and features of the implementation of two main components of the European financial policy in the post-Soviet space: investment in the development and commercial activities of private capital. The EU financial policy in the post-Soviet states advances in the context of pan-European humanitarian, geopolitical and energy concepts established at the beginning of the 21st century. Despite certain differences that exist in the approaches of the European Union to dialogue with groups of countries within the frameworks of the Eastern Partnership and the EU Strategy for Central Asia, a common line is seen here on investments in promoting the education, European values, legal standards of banking. At the same time, in relations between Europe and the post-Soviet countries there is a tendency towards the adoption of the principles of financial pragmatism and a desire for long-term investment ties. The expanding role of the European banks and investment companies in economic life in the post-Soviet space is in direct connection with the realization of the modernization potential in post-Soviet states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 476-491
Author(s):  
James Richter

AbstractStalin’s collectivization campaigns and the associated famine killed millions in Ukraine and Kazakhstan, yet the two countries commemorate the events quite differently. In Ukraine, the Holodomor (death by hunger) occupies a prominent place in the public sphere and is remembered most frequently as a genocidal policy against the Ukrainian nation. In Kazakhstan, the famine takes up little space in the public arena, and officials remain reluctant to call it a genocide. This article explores these differences using two models explaining variation in the politics of memory: one emphasizing the instrumental calculations of political elites and the other emphasizing the historical and cultural constraints that frame contemporary debates. These two models complement each other rather than compete. The contest over the famine in Ukraine was in part a consequence of eastern and western Ukraine’s differing histories, but it intensified when governing politicians deployed the memory of the famine instrumentally in the 2000s. In Kazakhstan, political calculations led the regime to emphasize unity and stability over divisive debates about the past, but historical factors made depoliticizing the famine feasible.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
E. I. Zyabkina

After the collapse of the USSR Ukraine and Georgia began to develop their interstate relations actively. This development was facilitated by the political processes in each of the states, as well as the foreign policy pursued by Kiev and Tbilisi. Initially, countries focused on expanding interaction with Western countries, which were considered to be potential partners. Ukraine and Georgia were eager to develop the relations with the EU and NATO. In turn, European countries and the United States paid increased attention to Ukraine and Georgia.The alignment of forces in each of the states contributed to the rapprochement of Kiev and Tbilisi. The political forces of both countries pursued a course of distancing from Russia and rapprochement with Western countries. As a result, Ukrainian-Georgian relations relied on similar political positions, which allowed countries to expand cooperation on a bilateral basis and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanisms.In recent years Ukrainian-Georgian relations have been developing dynamically. Two states are pursuing a policy of joining NATO, expanding cooperation with the EU. Ukraine is interested in deepening cooperation with Tbilisi due to strained relations with Russia. In addition, Ukraine seeks to use the Western sanctions policy towards Russia to solve domestic political and socio-economic problems. Whereas, Western countries are interested in strengthening the Ukrainian-Georgian tandem hoping to use it in promotion of their interests in the post-Soviet space and in implementing policies towards Russia.This article explores the prospects for the development of interstate Ukrainian-Georgian relations, which will reflect the political processes in the post-Soviet countries.


Author(s):  
I. V. Bolgova

The new stage of EU – Armenia relations, open by the signing of CEPA, focuses on the search for new models of integrations that would make compatible the obligations in the EAEU framework with the wish for closer ties with the EU. While for Brussels this step is a symbol of revised eastern politics, for Erevan it underlines the country’s aspirations for multivectorness within existing structural constraints. The analysis provided in this article suggests that the current consensus launches a new model of a ‘silent’ compatibility of existing integration projects on the post-soviet space, when in the context of political crisis between the integration centers the de facto adaptation of opposing vectors is driven by the focused countries. The model is loose enough to be widely used, and it has an ambivalent potential of postponed influence on the multilateral relations on the post-soviet space.


Author(s):  
V. B. Kirillov ◽  
I. S. Putintsev

The article reviews the relations between Moldova and the EU at the current stage. Reasons for the strengthening of cooperation between Moldova and the EU in these years are being analyzed, as well as the problems that further development of cooperation can face. It is described how relations with the EU influence the prospects of Moldova’s participation in the integration process in the post- Soviet space.


Author(s):  
I. V. Bolgova

The results of the Vilnius summit of the EaP project and the consequent Ukrainian crisis with major international effects make possible questioning about the eventual scenarios of the EU eastern politics and possible configurations ofinternational interactions. The article elaborates on the key elements and trends of the EU activities at the post-soviet space that are likely to frame the context of its further developments. The most visible trends analysed here are the extreme differentiation of bilateral relations within the EaP project alongside with the growing symbolism of official rhetoric and program practices of the European Union. As a result, we see the EU's intention to narrow the geographical and qualitative field of its activities on the eastern directionwith saving the shell of the EaP for nominal functioning. Such tactics is not likely to result in a drastic change of the model of conflict dependencies in the "shared neighbourhood". The article analyses key misperceptions of the actors involved in the complex of interactions in the region. The structure is complicated by the deepening and widening of Russia-lead Eurasian integration project. Current crisis of the EU eastern policy is considered to derive from the exaggeration of the value-based, normative aspect of the common foreign policy in general and will have the systemic consequences both for the European external actions and for its internal developments.


Baltic Region ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Vladislav V. Vorotnkov ◽  
Andrzej Habarta

This article aims to analyse migration from the post-Soviet space to the northeastern periphery of the EU (Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) and examine the hypothesis about these states, once countries of origin, turning into destinations for migrants. A change in the socio-economic paradigm and accession to the EU sped up economic development in the Baltics and Poland. Despite growing welfare and income levels and a decline in the unemployment rate, further economic growth was hampered by the outflow of skilled workforce and resulting labour shortages. In response, the governments of the Baltics and Poland drew up programmes to attract international labour. Soon these countries transformed from exporters of labour into importers. Unlike Western European countries, Poland and, to a lesser extent, the Baltic States are trying to attract migrants from neighbouring nations with similar cultural and linguistic backgrounds. In the long run, this strategy will facilitate migrant integration into the recipient society. The Polish and Lithuanian governments are devising measures to encourage ethnic Poles and Lithuanians to repatriate from post-Soviet republics. To achieve the aim of the study, we investigate the features of migration flows, trends in migration, migration policies of recipient countries, and the evolution of diaspora policies.


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