scholarly journals EU – Armenia Relations: A Model of “Quiet” Coordination?

Author(s):  
I. V. Bolgova

The new stage of EU – Armenia relations, open by the signing of CEPA, focuses on the search for new models of integrations that would make compatible the obligations in the EAEU framework with the wish for closer ties with the EU. While for Brussels this step is a symbol of revised eastern politics, for Erevan it underlines the country’s aspirations for multivectorness within existing structural constraints. The analysis provided in this article suggests that the current consensus launches a new model of a ‘silent’ compatibility of existing integration projects on the post-soviet space, when in the context of political crisis between the integration centers the de facto adaptation of opposing vectors is driven by the focused countries. The model is loose enough to be widely used, and it has an ambivalent potential of postponed influence on the multilateral relations on the post-soviet space.

Author(s):  
L. S. Voronkov

On the basis of analysis of integration processes between Nordic, Benelux countries and post-soviet states in Europe the author expresses hesitations in accepting the integration experiences gained by the EU as the criterion of efficiency and the pattern for the post-Soviet space. He does not consider that an involvement of all countries with market economy into processes of regional integration, if they do not try to achieve certain political aims through integration, is the universal regularity in the globalized world. In these cases neither free trade zones nor custom unions can be considered as integration stages, but they continue to be the tools for further development of trade. The author proposes to assess the EU evolution with regard to the legal norms of international organizations, where state sovereignty of members is strengthened, not given up to supernational bodies. In case the idea of reestablishment of an unified state on the remains of the former USSR, linked to the necessity to hand over the recently acquired sovereignty to it, is laid down to the ground for practical measures of integration, this kind of integration will hardly be attractive to the potential post-Soviet participants. This perspective is hardly desired for Russia either. The integration path of the EU reflects the peculiarities of the European situation and specific interests of its member states. Many details of the EU activity are not applicable to other integration groupings in Europe and membership criteria in every of them is not universal. Any efforts to construct integration processes in the post-Soviet space in accordance to the EU model without proper consideration to integration experiences of other countries and to political, economic, social, cultural, demographic, military peculiarities of the countries concerned seem to be not acceptable and founded.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kozłowski

The study concerns the effectiveness of EU Post-Soviet Central Asian policy. The analysis of the EU strategy leads to two questions: why and how EU wants to engage this politically challenging region in the Post-Soviet Space. Regardless of satisfaction of EU bureaucracy with at best mediocre effects of undertaken actions, independent analysts perspective leads to a conclusion that EU does not use its own potential in the most effective way and its activity is sometimes more damaging than productive in terms of managing own assets as well as building its international reputation.


Author(s):  
Vitalii F. Ershov ◽  

The paper deals with the formation of a modern style of financial relations between the European Union and post-Soviet states. The author explores the objectives and features of the implementation of two main components of the European financial policy in the post-Soviet space: investment in the development and commercial activities of private capital. The EU financial policy in the post-Soviet states advances in the context of pan-European humanitarian, geopolitical and energy concepts established at the beginning of the 21st century. Despite certain differences that exist in the approaches of the European Union to dialogue with groups of countries within the frameworks of the Eastern Partnership and the EU Strategy for Central Asia, a common line is seen here on investments in promoting the education, European values, legal standards of banking. At the same time, in relations between Europe and the post-Soviet countries there is a tendency towards the adoption of the principles of financial pragmatism and a desire for long-term investment ties. The expanding role of the European banks and investment companies in economic life in the post-Soviet space is in direct connection with the realization of the modernization potential in post-Soviet states.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Orlova

The article is dedicated to the analysis of old and newest historical factors that have conditioned the most eminent success of a small state post-Soviet space wise. By choosing the return to the European community as its main vector of progress, Estonia has won a dignified position at the international arena within some 13 years. The country has acquired membership in the EU and NATO, thus further reinforcing its stance. The experience and support of Estonia has utter importance to Ukraine.


Author(s):  
T. N. Zozulya ◽  
◽  
M. A. Altybassarova ◽  
G.T. Shamshudinova ◽  
◽  
...  

The Law Institute of recognition of a State is one of the most difficult, controversial, and dynamically developing institute of the national and the international law. However, at present there are many states that are not officially recognized by most other states, which since the beginning of the 1990s began to be designated by the term “unrecognized states”, “de facto countries”, “self-proclaimed states”, etc. The presence of unrecognized states is a complex problem in the theory and practice of international relations, since, possessing all other signs of statehood, they do not have international diplomatic recognition and cannot be members of the UN. Today there are about 120 unrecognized states in the political map of the world, which are recognized by the territory of 60 countries. The problem of unrecognized states is also relevant for the post-Soviet space, since after the collapse of the USSR, several territorial entities arose, the status of which has not been recognized at the international level so far. In the proposed article, the authors tried to find out the reasons for the emergence of unrecognized states, identified the main features of such territorial entities and possible options for their further fate as countries that do not have the status of a generally recognized state. The protracted legal uncertainty of the status of the unrecognized states aggravates the problem of further international cooperation of the world community from the point of view of global security and the possible threat of conflicts that could cause a world political crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-19
Author(s):  
S. S. Zhiltsov

Russia and non-regional States have recently shown fresh interest in the countries of the former Soviet Union. The rivalry between Russia and the United States for the post-Soviet territory, beginning after the collapse of the USSR, has broken new ground. Russia considers the post-Soviet space as an area of vital interests. Economic and political relations with its neighbors, the internal political situation in the former Soviet Republics have a direct impact on the development of Russia. These determinants can explain the renewed interest in Eurasian integration and an integration project — the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). However, the USA hardly welcomes such aspirations of Russia and the support for the integration project on the part of some post-Soviet countries. The American side has no interest in the newly emerging regional centers of influence in the post-Soviet space, regarding this as a threat to its interests. Countering the development of Eurasian integration and strengthening the EAEU influence is the focus of US policy in this regard. The EAEU member countries are consistently taking steps to develop integration despite obstacles from the West. The long-term objectives, defined in various documents by the countries, should put them on a new path of economic cooperation. Eurasian integration faces a number of difficulties along with the successes, achieved since the creation of the EAEU. The world economy problems, in addition to internal ones, exert a considerable influence. They intensified after the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, which negatively affected the development of the EAEU countries. The internal political problems faced by the EAEU countries adversely affect integration. The internal political crisis in Belarus, beginning in the later 2020, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh, worsened internal political struggle in Armenia and Kyrgyzstan are the factors that influenced the work of the EAEU last year and early 2021. Nevertheless, economic difficulties and political events in specific countries, the pursuit of non-regional states to influence the elites of the former Soviet states have not altered the foreign policy priorities of the EAEU member states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
E. I. Zyabkina

After the collapse of the USSR Ukraine and Georgia began to develop their interstate relations actively. This development was facilitated by the political processes in each of the states, as well as the foreign policy pursued by Kiev and Tbilisi. Initially, countries focused on expanding interaction with Western countries, which were considered to be potential partners. Ukraine and Georgia were eager to develop the relations with the EU and NATO. In turn, European countries and the United States paid increased attention to Ukraine and Georgia.The alignment of forces in each of the states contributed to the rapprochement of Kiev and Tbilisi. The political forces of both countries pursued a course of distancing from Russia and rapprochement with Western countries. As a result, Ukrainian-Georgian relations relied on similar political positions, which allowed countries to expand cooperation on a bilateral basis and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanisms.In recent years Ukrainian-Georgian relations have been developing dynamically. Two states are pursuing a policy of joining NATO, expanding cooperation with the EU. Ukraine is interested in deepening cooperation with Tbilisi due to strained relations with Russia. In addition, Ukraine seeks to use the Western sanctions policy towards Russia to solve domestic political and socio-economic problems. Whereas, Western countries are interested in strengthening the Ukrainian-Georgian tandem hoping to use it in promotion of their interests in the post-Soviet space and in implementing policies towards Russia.This article explores the prospects for the development of interstate Ukrainian-Georgian relations, which will reflect the political processes in the post-Soviet countries.


Author(s):  
V. B. Kirillov ◽  
I. S. Putintsev

The article reviews the relations between Moldova and the EU at the current stage. Reasons for the strengthening of cooperation between Moldova and the EU in these years are being analyzed, as well as the problems that further development of cooperation can face. It is described how relations with the EU influence the prospects of Moldova’s participation in the integration process in the post- Soviet space.


Author(s):  
I. V. Bolgova

The results of the Vilnius summit of the EaP project and the consequent Ukrainian crisis with major international effects make possible questioning about the eventual scenarios of the EU eastern politics and possible configurations ofinternational interactions. The article elaborates on the key elements and trends of the EU activities at the post-soviet space that are likely to frame the context of its further developments. The most visible trends analysed here are the extreme differentiation of bilateral relations within the EaP project alongside with the growing symbolism of official rhetoric and program practices of the European Union. As a result, we see the EU's intention to narrow the geographical and qualitative field of its activities on the eastern directionwith saving the shell of the EaP for nominal functioning. Such tactics is not likely to result in a drastic change of the model of conflict dependencies in the "shared neighbourhood". The article analyses key misperceptions of the actors involved in the complex of interactions in the region. The structure is complicated by the deepening and widening of Russia-lead Eurasian integration project. Current crisis of the EU eastern policy is considered to derive from the exaggeration of the value-based, normative aspect of the common foreign policy in general and will have the systemic consequences both for the European external actions and for its internal developments.


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