scholarly journals Urban-rural migration in post-WWII Soviet Union: the example of the North Caucasus and Ural (1947–1979)

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 113-136
Author(s):  
Dmytro Myeshkov
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Н.Ф. Бугай

В статье на основе исследований российских ученых, архивных документов, воспоминаний рассматривается слабо изученная в отечественной историографии проблема участия представителей этнических меньшинств в битвах за Кавказ и Крым в ходе Великой Отечественной войны. В качестве примера автором избраны этнические общности курдов и корейцев. Использованы историко-генетический, историко-биографический и системно-исторический методы. Изучены меры советского командования по формированию национальных воинских подразделений; реконструированы биографии героев войны – корейцев и курдов, участвовавших в освобождении Юга России и получивших боевые награды; прослежена их послевоенная судьба; рассмотрены репрессивные действия советского правительства по отношению к военнослужащим некоторых национальностей. Автор заключает, что представители разных народов СССР, столкнувшись с врагом, проявили стремление к единству и добровольное желание выступить на защиту государства, которое они избрали своей Родиной. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the biographies of participants in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945), who belonged to ethnic minorities and fought for the liberation of the Caucasus and Crimea from Nazi invaders. As an example, the author selected ethnic communities of Kurds and Koreans. The study was conducted on the basis of research by Russian scholars, archival documents, and memoirs of direct participants in the events. The historical-genetic, historical-biographical and system-historical methods were used. The measures of the Soviet command for the formation of national military units were studied, the biographies of war heroes, Koreans and Kurds who participated in the liberation of the South of Russia and received military awards (including the title Hero of the Soviet Union) were reconstructed. The author describes in detail the military clashes during which these fighters showed military prowess, presents their photographs, and traces their further military path, post-war fate and forms of their memory perpetuation. Quotations from the war veterans’ front-line letters and their relatives’ memoirs are given. The repressive actions of the Soviet government towards the military personnel of certain nationalities, who after the demobilization received the status of “special settlers” and lost their military tickets and award sheets, are also considered. The author emphasizes that the fight against the enemy was a test of strength for the unity of the peoples living in the Caucasus and Crimea. Examples of civic solidarity in the fight against the enemy shown by ethnic minorities in the early days of the war (mass enrollment in volunteers, holding civil rallies) are given. It is noted that representatives of local ethnic communities became the basis of 12 military units that were at the forefront of the defenders of the Caucasus. The paradoxical nature of the situation in which USSR citizens were repressed for various (often far-fetched) reasons is stated; however, during the war they still heroically fought against Nazism with arms in their hands. The author connects the repressions against members of the ethnic minorities with the ethnosocial policy pursued by the Soviet state, as well as the spread of desertion and draft evasion in the North Caucasus and Crimea. It is concluded that representatives of ethnic minorities living in the USSR, faced with the enemy, showed a desire for unity and a voluntary desire to defend the state, which they chose as their homeland.


Author(s):  
James H. Meyer

The history of Muslim populations in Russia and other former republics of the Soviet Union is long and varied. In a Pew–Templeton poll conducted in Russia in 2010, 10 percent of respondents stated that their religion was Islam, while Muslims also make up a majority of the population in six post-Soviet republics: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Muslims have long lived in regions across Russia, with far-flung communities ranging from distant outposts of Siberia to western cities like Moscow and St. Petersburg. At the beginning of the 20th century, there were more Muslims in the Russian Empire than there were in Iran or the Ottoman Empire, the two largest independent Muslim-majority states in the world at the time. Historically, the Muslim communities of Russia have been concentrated in four main regions: the Volga–Ural region in central Russia, the Crimea, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. While Muslim communities across former Soviet space share both differences and similarities with one another with regard to language and religious practices, their respective relations with the various Russian states that have existed over the years have varied. Moreover, Russian and Soviet policymaking toward all of these communities has shifted considerably from one era, and one ruler, to another. Throughout the imperial and Soviet eras, and extending into the post-Soviet era up to the present day, therefore, the existence of variations with regard to both era and region remains one of the most enduring legacies of Muslim–state interactions. Muslims in Russia vary by traditions, language, ethnicity, religious beliefs, and practices, and with respect to their historical interactions with the Russian state. The four historically Muslim-inhabited regions were incorporated into the Russian state at different points during its imperial history, often under quite sharply contrasting sets of conditions. Today most, but not all, Muslims in Russia and the rest of the former USSR are Sunni, although the manner and degree to which religion is practiced varies greatly among both communities and individuals. With respect to language, Muslim communities in Russia have traditionally been dominated demographically by Turkic speakers, although it should be noted that most Turkic languages are not mutually comprehensible in spoken form. In the North Caucasus and Tajikistan, the most widely spoken indigenous languages are not Turkic, although in these areas there are Turkic-speaking minorities. Another important feature of Muslim–state interactions in Russia is their connection to Muslims and Muslim-majority states beyond Russia’s borders. Throughout the imperial era, Russia’s foreign policymaking vis-à-vis the Ottoman Empire and Iran was often intimately connected to domestic policymaking toward Muslim communities inside Russia. While this was a less pronounced feature of Moscow’s foreign policymaking during the Soviet era, in the post-Soviet era, policymaking toward Muslims domestically has once again become more closely linked to Russia’s foreign policy goals.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Reva ◽  
Tatiana Ogorodnikova ◽  
Tatiana Mikhailova ◽  
Darya Arekhina ◽  
Sergei Kubrin

Bringing up to date the issue of mass media typology, the authors of the article research such line of modern journalism as gastronomic journalism. As far as this topic has not been studied well enough yet, journalistic periodicals (social and political, business, geographical, gastronomic magazines, tabloids for men and women), television programs (“Rare People” at the channel “My Planet”, “Russia, My Love!” at the channel ‘Russia-Culture”, the content of breakfast broadcasting of “the First Channel”) and the multimedia project of the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union “This is Caucasus” (section “A Good Taste”) are analyzed. The objective of the article is to determine the subject thematic range of gastronomic journalism, by studying the gastronomic content of mass media, and also to consider the functions of gastronomic journalism in the context of Media representations of peoples’ ethnic culture, namely of the indigenous minorities of Russia and of the North Caucasus peoples. In the course of the analysis, the features of the gastronomic topic in the representation context of the Russia peoples’ ethnic culture are revealed, the role of gastronomic journalism in terms of implementation of the strategy objectives of the Russian Federation State National Policy for the period up to 2025 as far as spreading knowledge about the peoples’ history and culture is concerned. To determine the effective resources of gastronomic journalism such methods and approaches as system, semiotic, cultural, typological and content analysis are used. A definition of gastronomic journalism, which determines the direction of studies of mass media and media in general, is given in this article. The authors come to the conclusion that not only recreational, advertising and informative but also cultural and educational functions of journalism are implemented through the gastronomic topic. Moreover, the importance of studying gastronomic journalism for education of journalism students and future caterers is considered in the article. A topical issue of gastronomic journalism development in Russian regions is emphasized.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 481-483
Author(s):  
T. A. Actoṅ

In May 1992 an international conference examining the fate of minorities in the former Soviet Union was organized jointly by the Kennan Institute (DC) and Michigan State University. Fourteen speakers were invited from Moscow, St. Petersburgh, the north Caucasus, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Moldova, and Lithuania; among them was Dr Ramazan Abdulatipov, Chairman of the Chamber of Nationalities of the Russian Parliament. The immediate impetus for the conference was a national survey of 6,500 Russians in 16 non-Russian regions of the former Soviet Union. The survey was conducted in August and September of 1991 by the Center of Public Opinion Studies in Moscow on the basis of a program prepared by Vladimir Shlapentokh and Lev Gudkov.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmed Abdel-Hafez Fawaz

Czarist Russia, the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet Russia had a history of relations with their Muslims that varied between integration or coexistence and resistance or conflict. Russia had perpetually reaffirmed that its war in Chechnya in the 1990s was not against Muslims per se, but rather against terrorist groups that were attempting to disseminate their radical ideas in the Muslim Chechen Republic as well as throughout the other republics of the North Caucasus. From their standpoint Chechen fighters described the struggle as a new round of Russian efforts to bury Chechen demands for independence. Nevertheless, this historical experience of struggle also coincided with periods of peaceful coexistence witnessed in other regions such as the Volga and Ural River Basin. Thus, the question remains: what of the contemporary challenges faced by the Muslims of Russia in their relations with the state and their relations among themselves? This research seeks to answer the following questions: How is it that religious and sectarian tolerance came to predominate in Tatarstan but regressed in Chechnya and Dagestan? Why have relations between Sufis and Salafists been subject to increasing tensions in the North Caucasus? Do the tensions witnessed in Dagestan and Chechnya reflect a genuine sectarian struggle or is the matter more complicated than that? How has the Russian media impacted – positively or negatively – ethnic and sectarian relations within the state?


Author(s):  
Александр Стефанович Иващенко

Дезинтеграция гигантского по численности населения и территории, полиэтничного и поликонфессионального государства, каким был Советский Союз, изначально не могла пройти безболезненно и без потерь. Национальным политическим элитам бывших советских союзных республик, в целом благодаря выдержке и политической дальновидности, удалось избежать «кровавого развода» по «югославскому сценарию». Однако полностью предотвратить жёсткий конфликт интересов, переросший, к сожалению, в военные столкновения на постсоветском пространстве, не удалось. К Нагорному Карабаху, Приднестровью, Абхазии, Южной Осетии, ставшими «точками напряжения» на территории бывшего Советского Союза ещё в 90-е гг. ХХ в., во втором десятилетии ХХI столетия прибавился Донбасс. В статье предпринята попытка проанализировать мотивы и содержание политико-дипломатических действий России по отношению к развитию грузино-абхазского конфликта в постсоветский период и их последствия для Грузии и Абхазии. Автор вскрывает перипетии внутриполитической борьбы в российской политической элите в 90-е гг. ХХ в. при выработке политики Москвы по отношению к грузино-абхазскому конфликту. Затрагивается острая проблема совместимости принципа территориальной целостности полиэтничного государства с принципом права народов на самоопределение, вплоть до полного отделения. Поддержав Абхазию в конфликте с Грузией, Москва укрепила свой авторитет среди северокавказских народов, но ценой потери добрососедских отношений с Грузией. The disintegration of a large population and territory, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional state, as the Soviet Union was, could not initially go painlessly and without loss. The national political elites of the former Soviet Union republics, in general, thanks to endurance and political foresight, managed to avoid a "bloody divorce" like the "Yugoslav scenario". However, it was not possible to completely prevent a severe conflict of interest, which, unfortunately, grew into military clashes in the post-Soviet space. In the second decade of the 21st century, Donbass was added to Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, which became "points of tension" in the territory of the former Soviet Union back in the 1990s. The paper attempts to analyze the motives and content of Russia's political and diplomatic actions in relation to the development of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict in the post-Soviet period, and their consequences for Georgia and Abkhazia. The author reveals the vicissitudes of internal political struggle in the Russian political elite in the 1990s when developing Moscow's policy towards the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. The publication raises the urgent problem of the compatibility of the principle of the territorial integrity of a multi-ethnic State with the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, up to and including full secession. By supporting Abkhazia in the conflict with Georgia, Moscow strengthened its authority among the North Caucasus peoples, but at the cost of losing good-neighborly relations with Georgia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Valentin Golub ◽  

The article is devoted to one of the activities of the outstanding domestic ecologist Leonty Grigorievich Ramen-skii. In the 1930s, Ramenskii began to develop theoretical and practical issues of lands typology. In essence, the concept of the land’s typology by Ramenskii does not differ from the classification of biotopes, which began to be developed in European countries about 30 years ago under such projects as CORINE, Palaearctic Habitats, EUNIS. Only their results use differs. The lands typology is intended for the economic exploitation of biotopes, and their classification in the CORINE, Palaearctic Habitats, EUNIS projects for their protection. Ramenskii creat-ed a new direction of ecology, namely, the typology of lands, or in other words, the science of the typology of biotopes. Academician V. R. Williams was a strong opponent of the development of this direction of science in the USSR. Detailed characterization of biotopes was accompanied by their mapping. This characteristic was called land certification. Large areas of vacant land appeared in the first half of the 1940s in the North Caucasus and Kalmykia. There was an urgent need for certification of these lands. Ramenskii prepared instructions for carrying out certification. Similar instructions were reprinted several times in the future. In accordance with these instructions, it is necessary to carry out mapping of lands during their certification on a scale of 1 : 10000–1 : 25000 for agricultural areas and 1 : 25000–1 : 50000 for desert, semi-desert and mountainous areas. The author believed that this was nothing more than a mapping of biotopes, designed for their agricultural exploita-tion. Since the late 1950s, the certification of natural forage lands began to be carried out everywhere throughout the Soviet Union. The instructions indicated that re-survey of hayfields and pastures should be carried out, as a rule, every 15 years, and in areas of intensive use after 10 years. In Russia, large-scale mapping of natural hay-field and pasture biotopes ceased in the early 1990s with the transition to market forms of farming. In Western Europe, large-scale biotope mapping began 30-40 years later than in the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Jeronim Perović

This chapter presents the first detailed account of the tragic impact of the collectivization and “de-kulakization” campaign in the North Caucasus based on Soviet archival sources. In 1929-30, under the slogan of “socialist transformation of the country,” the Soviet state reached out to the countryside, trying forcibly to change traditional economic ways of life and break up the existing social structures within the villages. In the eyes of the peasants, however, the state’s collectivization and “de-kulakization” campaign represented nothing less than a brutal assault, plunging the whole country into chaos and provoking large-scale rebellions. Resistance was especially fierce in the Muslim-dominated parts of the North Caucasus, where Soviet structures were weak and the social cohesion of mountain communities strong. Ultimately, the Red Army and the armed forces of the secret police crushed these rebellions ruthlessly. However, especially in Chechnia, Ingushetia, Karachai, and the mountainous parts of Dagestan, they were at least sufficiently violent for the Soviet leadership to decide to suspend their collectivization attempt altogether. In fact, it was not until mid-1930s, much later than in most other areas of the Soviet Union, that collectivization was formally completed.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian J. Boeck

The Cossacks are coming straight out of some nineteenth century nightmare. Those fearsome horsemen once again stalk the Russian steppes, whips stashed in their belts, defending God and country and longing for the restoration of the Romanov dynasty.Kyle Crichton,New York TimesThe emergence of a strong Cossack movement has great implications for the future of Russia and the post-Soviet space. It is at once the glorification of a mythical past and a powerful alternate vision of the future. Old questions of Cossack identity are once again being debated and a Cossack presence is strongly felt in the cities of southern Russia. In the volatile North Caucasus region the Cossack revival has increasingly assumed many of the features of national movements in other areas of the former Soviet Union.


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