THE EVOLUTION OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF KHAKASSIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1960S - THE FIRST HALF OF THE 1980S

Author(s):  
A.I. DROZDOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morris P. Fiorina

Several authors have addressed the postwar decline of electoral competition on the congressional level. Some have attributed the decline to institutional change such as the redistrictings of the 1960s. Others have remarked on the growing use of the growing resources of incumbency. Still others, like Ferejohn, have focused on behavioral change in the larger electoral system, such as the erosion of party identification. In this comment I suggest that while electoral behavior has changed, the change is at least in part a response to changing congressional behavior, which in turn is a reaction to institutional change for which Congress is partly responsible. Specifically, over time congressmen have placed increasing emphasis on district services: more and more they operate as and are perceived as ombudsmen rather than as national policymakers. This behavioral change is an understandable response to an expanding federal role and an increasing involvement of the federal bureaucracy in the lives of ordinary citizens, an institutional change Congress has helped to bring about.


Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

This chapter sums up the preceding discussion and examines the radical changes in the nature of electoral competition in the UK since 1964. In particular, it assesses the impact on campaigning of social media and the Internet. It also discusses the impact of social change on voting behaviour over the years, as well as the transformation of political parties and the very different composition of the House of Commons. These various changes had occurred while UK-wide elections are still conducted under the Simple Plurality (‘first-past-the-post’) electoral system, although a variety of different systems have been adopted for virtually all other elections. Thus, by 2021, almost the only factor in UK elections which has remained constant since 1964 is the voting system. In other respects, the volatility which has become increasingly marked since the 1960s looks set to continue.


Author(s):  
O. D. Popova ◽  
◽  
A. D. Popova ◽  

The article analyzes letters addressed to the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union. In their letters written in the 1960s, Soviet citizens shared their ideas about the new edition of the Constitution. The authors of the article analyze Soviet citizens’ core values and their ideas about the political regime, civil rights and civil liberties. This analysis is essential for the assessment of the role of civil values (such as democracy, guarantees of civil rights and civil liberties) in the Soviet public mind. The article maintains that Soviet citizens of the said period shared a set of mental attitudes to civil and economic issues. The authors conclude that these mental attitudes reflected people’s ideas about democracy and freedoms and were based on a combination of both democratic and totalitarian principles. Soviet citizens actively supported democracy as a key element of civil society and promoted an improvement in the electoral system. However, they were against a multi-party system, they maintained that party organs should be endowed with greater authorities, and the Constitution should grant power to the Communist party. Soviet people highly valued civil liberties and civil rights. However, they believed that it was natural to oppress those who committed crimes or those who didn’t share the generally accepted ideals. The authors conclude that Soviet mental attitudes were only partially based on civil values, which naturally tells on the process of civil society formation in the modern world.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur H. Miller ◽  
Warren E. Miller

American presidential politics in the 1960s and early 1970s was marked by the kinds of forces that characterize a period of electoral instability. These forces affected not only individual voters but also the candidates, parties and issues that interact as part of the electoral system. Among them was an increase in ‘issue voting’ which emphasized intra-party polarization on various non-economic issues. The civil rights movement, the war in Vietnam, riots in the cities, crime in the streets and other issues provided focal points for increased debate among political leaders and for the responses of an electorate newly mobilized by policy concerns. At the same time, the established political parties were faced with increased partisan defection and ticket splitting, by a rise in the number of political Independents and by the appearance of a threatening third-party movement. Even the styles and personalities of the parties’ presidential candidates contributed to the instability. The candidates presented to the electorate ran a gamut of styles and personalities that included the articulate Kennedy, the folksy Johnson, the impulsive Goldwater and the calculating Nixon. Along with the rise in mass interest in matters of policy came a new questioning of the trustworthiness and integrity of political leaders and the government in general. There also appeared in this period a new politics of confrontation, an influx into the electorate of young voters following the lowering of the voting age to 18, and a budding concern with the issues of ‘acid’, amnesty and abortion that the ‘New Politics’ promoted.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


Author(s):  
Richard B. Mott ◽  
John J. Friel ◽  
Charles G. Waldman

X-rays are emitted from a relatively large volume in bulk samples, limiting the smallest features which are visible in X-ray maps. Beam spreading also hampers attempts to make geometric measurements of features based on their boundaries in X-ray maps. This has prompted recent interest in using low voltages, and consequently mapping L or M lines, in order to minimize the blurring of the maps.An alternative strategy draws on the extensive work in image restoration (deblurring) developed in space science and astronomy since the 1960s. A recent example is the restoration of images from the Hubble Space Telescope prior to its new optics. Extensive literature exists on the theory of image restoration. The simplest case and its correspondence with X-ray mapping parameters is shown in Figures 1 and 2.Using pixels much smaller than the X-ray volume, a small object of differing composition from the matrix generates a broad, low response. This shape corresponds to the point spread function (PSF). The observed X-ray map can be modeled as an “ideal” map, with an X-ray volume of zero, convolved with the PSF. Figure 2a shows the 1-dimensional case of a line profile across a thin layer. Figure 2b shows an idealized noise-free profile which is then convolved with the PSF to give the blurred profile of Figure 2c.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Jaitin

This article covers several stages of the work of Pichon-Rivière. In the 1950s he introduced the hypothesis of "the link as a four way relationship" (of reciprocal love and hate) between the baby and the mother. Clinical work with psychosis and psychosomatic disorders prompted him to examine how mental illness arises; its areas of expression, the degree of symbolisation, and the different fields of clinical observation. From the 1960s onwards, his experience with groups and families led him to explore a second path leading to "the voices of the link"—the voice of the internal family sub-group, and the place of the social and cultural voice where the link develops. This brought him to the definition of the link as a "bi-corporal and tri-personal structure". The author brings together the different levels of the analysis of the link, using as a clinical example the process of a psychoanalytic couple therapy with second generation descendants of a genocide within the limits of the transferential and countertransferential field. Body language (the core of the transgenerational link) and the couple's absences and presence during sessions create a rhythm that gives rise to an illusion, ultimately transforming the intersubjective link between the partners in the couple and with the analyst.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


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