scholarly journals Political Leadership and Transactional Leadership

Author(s):  
Angela Efianda ◽  
Iswahyuni Iswahyuni

Leadership is the activity to influences others in order to guide them towards a certain goal (Miftah Thoha, 2013; 121). A leader is someone with capabilities and advantages so that they can influences and guides others to work together for a similar goal. Political leadership covers a wide range of topics due to how a country are constituted by structures designed to run it. Transactional leadership occurs because by default leadership is a form of social control between the leader and its subordinates. Transactional leadership or often called transactional politics has become its own problem. A normal kind of leadership when applied on other fields might become biased and pose a certain problem in the political sphere. Transactional politics can be hard to avoid especially in a presidential government system which involves multiple political parties. Transactional leadership is the kind of leadership modeled to attain a certain goal by giving rewards as well as guiding and controlling the subordinates so that they can work effectively and efficiently. It also focuses more on inter individual transaction, between the members and its managers.

Author(s):  
Marcus Kreuzer

Electoral systems and political parties not only are at the core of a wide range of representational mechanisms (others being lobbying, direct democracy, corporatism) used in modern democracies to project societal interests into the formal, legislative decision-making process, but also they vary greatly in their respective make-ups. Political parties differ in their internal decision making, membership size, funding, links with interest groups, and ideology. Electoral systems, in turn, are differentiated into systems of proportional representation (PR), single-member district (SMD), or first-past-the-post electoral systems (FPTP). Despite all these differences, parties and electoral systems are the two primary mechanisms for aggregating and then translating the preferences of private individual citizens. They also are the oldest, most widely studied, and arguably the most democratic channel of political representation. Parties and electoral systems certainly are important, but they are still only intermediary mechanisms that interact in complex ways with other factors, such as actors’ preferences, resources, other representational mechanisms, and the larger constitutional context. This complex interaction makes it intriguing to study how they affect political representation and explains why they are studied from so many different angles, methodologies, and theoretical perspectives. The following bibliographic suggestions are intended to reflect this diversity in the literature. The literature points out that parties and electoral systems function not just as mechanisms of political expression, through which voter preferences are bundled, articulated, and electorally weighted, but also as mechanisms of social control. The social control function becomes apparent in the ability of parties and electoral systems to contain the risks of overly expressive and potentially anarchic forms of direct and, hence, unorganized participation (i.e., protest, extremism, violence) as well as their potential to integrate individual citizens into the political order by creating political identities crucial for social order. Thus, parties and electoral systems have an as yet little understood but also fascinatingly complex relationship to popular sovereignty because they are indispensable for it while at the same time they give politicians the ability to mute and manipulate that sovereignty. In large part, the literature on parties and electoral systems tries to untangle this complex relationship by studying how their cross-national and historical variations influence the extent to which they have facilitated or distorted political representation.


Author(s):  
Aleksander Vilkov ◽  
◽  
Nikolaj Shestov ◽  
Andrei Abramov ◽  

Introduction. The purpose of this article is to find out to what extent the “social state” concept, brought to the fore of domestic political, social, and economic agendas by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, is able to satisfy the demand of the mass political consciousness in Russia for the image of the country’s future. Methods and materials. To solve this problem, a wide range of general scholarly and specific political science approaches and methods were used. The conclusions are based on the results of opinion polls conducted by the largest social surveys research organizations of Russia (i.e. “Russian Public Opinion Research Center”, “Levada-Center”, and “Public Opinion Foundation”), analysis of the programs of political parties, speeches of Russian politicians, as well as on the observation over the Russian political process. Analysis. The views of citizens on the prospects for the development of relations between the state and society in Russia are analyzed in relation to the political projects of leading Russian political actors; the prospects of key projects of the existing political, social, and economic system optimization in the context of their compliance with the needs of various social groups in modern Russia are considered; estimation of social risks of their implementation is given. Results. An inference is made that formation of a socially desired image of the future of Russia requires a significant adjustment of the main Russian political actors’ activities. Domestic political parties need a renewal of their leadership and relevant institutional and ideological reformatting; the highest bodies of state power need to adjust the political course – first of all, it is necessary to establish control over the use of natural resources, introduce a differentiated taxation system, and stimulate production. The lack of a clear response from government bodies and party structures to society’s requests for a just, socially responsible state creates risks for the stability of the domestic social and political system, and can be used by destructive political forces to implement the scenario of a “colour revolution” in Russia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ndikho Mtshiselwa ◽  
Simphiwe S. Mthembu

The debate on church and party politics is far from being exhausted in South Africa. Although the Methodist Church of Southern Africa discourages the participation of clergy persons in political parties, it is becoming critical that the church offers a prophetic voice in the political sphere. Issues of morality and spirituality within the political parties necessitate a careful involvement of the Church in politics. This article therefore sets out to offer a theological reflection on the (possible) ministry of Methodist clergy persons to political parties in South Africa.


Sociology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 671-688 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bartram

The UK ‘citizenship process’ subjects immigrants to requirements ostensibly intended to enhance their identification with ‘British values’. Policy-makers suggest the policy will facilitate immigrants’ integration: as they learn about ‘life in the UK’, they will become better able to understand and navigate core institutions. Many external observers, by contrast, believe that the requirements exacerbate immigrants’ marginalization. I use panel data from ‘Understanding Society’ to investigate political participation among non-citizen immigrants at Wave 1, comparing those who became citizens by Wave 6 to those who remained non-citizens. Those who became citizens subsequently reported lower interest in politics, relative to those who remained non-citizens; in addition, they were not more likely to be active in organizations (e.g. political parties and trade unions). These findings reinforce the concerns of critics: the UK citizenship policy appears to do more to alienate new citizens than it does to facilitate their integration in the political sphere.


2019 ◽  
Vol 119 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong-liang Sun ◽  
Eugene Ch’ng ◽  
Simon See

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate political influential spreaders in Twitter at the juncture before and after the Malaysian General Election in 2013 (MGE2013) for the purpose of understanding if the political sphere within Twitter reflects the intentions, popularity and influence of political figures in the year in which Malaysia has its first “social media election.” Design/methodology/approach A Big Data approach was used for acquiring a series of longitudinal data sets during the election period. The work differs from existing methods focusing on the general statistics of the number of followers, supporters, sentiment analysis, etc. A retweeting network has been extracted from tweets and retweets and has been mapped to a novel information flow and propagation network we developed. The authors conducted quantitative studies using k-shell decomposition, which enables the construction of a quantitative Twitter political propagation sphere where members posited at the core areas are more influential than those in the outer circles and periphery. Findings The authors conducted a comparative study of the influential members of Twitter political propagation sphere on the election day and the day after. The authors found that representatives of political parties which are located at the center of the propagation network are winners of the presidential election. This may indicate that influential power within Twitter is positively related to the final election results, at least in MGE2013. Furthermore, a number of non-politicians located at the center of the propagation network also significantly influenced the election. Research limitations/implications This research is based on a large electoral campaign in a specific election period, and within a predefined nation. While the result is significant and meaningful, more case studies are needed for generalized application for identifying potential winning candidates in future social-media fueled political elections. Practical implications The authors presented a simple yet effective model for identifying influential spreaders in the Twitter political sphere. The application of the authors’ approach yielded the conclusion that online “coreness” score has significant influence to the final offline electoral results. This presents great opportunities for applying the novel methodology in the upcoming Malaysian General Election in 2018. The discovery presented here can be used for understanding how different players of political parties engage themselves in the election game in Twitter. The approach can also be adopted as a factor of influence for offline electoral activities. The conception of a quantitative approach in electoral results greatly influenced by social media means that comparative studies could be made in future elections. Originality/value Existing works related to general elections of various nations have either bypassed or ignored the subtle links between online and offline influential propagations. The modeling of influence from social media using a longitudinal and multilayered approach is also rarely studied. This simple yet effective method provides a new perspective of practice for understanding how different players behave and mutually shape each other over time in the election game.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-633
Author(s):  
Marko Valenta ◽  
Zan Strabac

AbstractThis article examines the relationship between religiosity and support for democracy in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Using data from the last World Values Survey, we examine levels of religiosity among Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, and their support for democracy. The influence of religiosity on support for democracy is also explored. The results indicate that religiosity has a negative influence on support for democracy, and it is particularly true for individuals who do not support the separation of the religious from the political sphere and who exhibit lower support for democracy. The article also examines different levels of religiosity among the three groups, controlling for a wide range of variables. We conclude that there is basically no difference in support for democracy between Croats and Bosniaks, while Serbs exhibit somewhat lesser support for democracy than members of the other two ethnic groups. Serbs also seem to be somewhat less religious than Bosniaks and Croats. Opposition to separation of the religious from the political sphere is a major source of lack of support for democracy among Croats and Bosniaks, but not among Serbs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Касибина ◽  
Mariya Kasibina

The article discusses some problematic aspects of interdependence of elections and institution of political parties. The absence of the rivalry of equal parties - opponents in the election campaign in the political sphere of the Russian society is pointed out. The importance of open competition of the parties in elections is analyzed. The importance of effective positive image of the political party and its ability to organize the promotion of elections is noted. The necessity of changes in the electoral legislation regarding the establishment of equal conditions for all political forces, particular in the elections is substantiated


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Sukiada

Representation of women in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution in 2009 election reached 20%. Although it has not reached 30% in accordance with the mandate of Law No. 10 of 2008, the representation of women in the Legislative Institution of Jembrana Regency is the highest among the regencies/cities in Bali. When closely examined, the participation of women in the political sphere has deconstructed itself due to a struggle of power and mobilization. Automatically the law that sets the quota of women’s involvement in practical politics is 30%, especially those si ing in the legislative institution can signal a practice of mobilization. Within certain limits, the process of mobilization appears in the election of women legislators, because women are not really interested in practical politics, but are mobilized by the state, political parties and by the closest people such as husbands. The paper aims to explain the election of female legislators in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution which indicates that there has been a struggle of power between participation and mobilization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Emelio Betances

The Marcha Verde movement emerged in 2017 to protest bribery on the part of the Brazilian transnational Odebrecht. It conducted 25 protests in the provinces and large marches in July 2017 and August 2018 but ultimately failed to force the government to try those responsible. As a movement for the democratization of democracy through the construction of citizens’ rights, it was a watershed moment in Dominican political history. However, it did not have time to build the social base that would have allowed it to challenge the authorities. The political parties that supported it were only interested in weakening the official party, and the electoral race intervened as the way to channel the movements’ demands, leaving the radicals alone in calling for a transformation of the political sphere. El movimiento Marcha Verde surgió en 2017 en protesta contra los sobornos efectuados por la transnacional brasileña Odebrecht. Aunque organizó 25 protestas en las provincias y grandes marchas en julio de 2017 y agosto de 2018, no logró forzar al gobierno a enjuiciar a los responsables. En tanto se trata de un movimiento para la democratización de la democracia a través de la construcción de los derechos ciudadanos, este fue un momento decisivo en la historia política dominicana. Sin embargo, no tuvo tiempo de construir la base social que le hubiera permitido desafiar a las autoridades. Los partidos políticos que lo apoyaron sólo estaban interesados en debilitar al partido oficial, y las elecciones que intervinieron en el proceso se convirtieron en la vía de canalización para las demandas del movimiento, dejando a los elementos radicales solos en su exigencia por una genuina transformación de la esfera política.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 188
Author(s):  
Bertolomeus Loji Sua

A political party is a political organization represented by individuals who work for the people with the ideology embraced by the party itself. The task of a political party is to provide political education and lead according to the people’s desires. But what if today’s political party has unconsciously formed the public distrust? The phenomenon of the PAN victory in Ngada district-Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT) was a symbol of Ngada’s public distrust toward the party itself, as well as the previous political parties that had won in Ngada. This study aimed to assess the public distrust toward political parties, by looking at the phenomenon of the PAN victory in Ngada. The method used in this research was qualitative research, with in-depth interviews with sources in the field. In this study, the author found some interesting things related to the society and politics in Ngada. One of those things was that the people neither trust nor put hope in the political parties in the matter of responding to their wishes and communities’ development in Ngada. The PAN victory in Ngada was an interesting phenomenon in the political sphere that showed the public’s distrust of the parties today.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document