scholarly journals Innovation Efforts in the Face of Institutional Obstacles in Latin America

Author(s):  
Priscila Rezende da Costa ◽  
Vitor da Silva Bittencourt ◽  
Christian Daniel Falaster ◽  
Luisa Margarida Cagica Carvalho ◽  
Angelica Pigola
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-347
Author(s):  
Hugo Agra

O artigo analisa um tema pouco abordado na literatura brasileira de relações internacionais: a atuação das políticas externas do Brasil e do México para a criação do Grupo de Contadora (1983), Grupo de Apoio à Contadora (1985) e do Grupo do Rio (1987). Esses grupos tiveram papéis importantes nas tentativas de estabilização dos problemas políticos, econômicos e sociais da América Central a partir dos anos 1980. O artigo está dividido em quatro partes: i) compreensão da criação do Grupo de Contadora, do Grupo de Apoio à Contadora e a atuação do Brasil e do México, ii) destaque aos principais objetivos desses dois grupos, iii) explica o “dilema” das políticas externas do Brasil e do México diante das ações estadunidenses para a América Central e iv) e descreve a criação e os objetivos do Grupo do Rio. Por meio de uma pesquisa explicativa, onde é fundamental reunir informações sobre vários assuntos para entender de forma mais abrangente um tema específico, o artigo faz uso de fontes secundárias que analisam as relações internacionais da América Latina e os processos decisórios das políticas externas do Brasil e do México na década de 1980, além de algumas fontes primárias, como documentos oficiais dos acordos celebrados e declarações presidenciais disponíveis em arquivos dos sites eletrônicos da presidência ou chancelaria dos países. Conclui-se mostrando que os dois países foram fundamentais para o processo de estabilização política, principalmente na região centro-americana, não só pela importância histórica, política e econômica de cada um, mas também pelo fato de que a formação desses grupos foram importantes para dirimir litígios, acelerar a resolução de conflitos entre os países do continente, além de ter sido um período de aproximação e fortalecimento da relação bilateral Brasil-México.         ABSTRACT: The article analyzes a theme little addressed in the Brazilian literature of international relations: the performance of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico for the creation of the Contadora Group (1983), the Contadora Support Group (1985) and the Rio Group (1987). These groups played important roles in attempts to stabilize the political, economic and social problems of Central America from the 1980s onwards. The article is divided into four parts: i) an understanding of the creation of the Contadora Group, the Contadora Support Group and the actions of Brazil and Mexico, ii) highlighting the main objectives of these two groups, iii) explaining the "dilemma" of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the face of US actions for Central America, and iv) describing the creation and objectives of the Rio Group. By means of an explanatory survey, where it is essential to gather information on various subjects in order to understand more comprehensively a specific theme, the article makes use of secondary sources that analyze the international relations of Latin America and the decision-making processes of the foreign policies of Brazil and Mexico in the 1980s, in addition to some primary sources, such as official documents of the agreements signed and presidential declarations available on the archives of the electronic sites of the presidency or chancellery of the countries. It concludes by showing that both countries were fundamental to the process of political stabilization, especially in the Central American region, not only because of their historical, political and economic importance, but also because the formation of these groups was important to settle disputes, accelerate the resolution of conflicts between the countries of the continent, and was a period of rapprochement and strengthening of the bilateral relationship between Brazil and Mexico. Keywords: International Relations; Latin America; Contadora Group; Rio Group.       Aprovado em: setembro/2019. Recebido em: agosto/2020.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-313
Author(s):  
Claire Farago

Abstract Five interrelated case studies from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries develop the dynamic contrast between portraiture and pictorial genres newly invented in and about Latin America that do not represent their subjects as individuals despite the descriptive focus on the particular. From Jean de Léry’s genre-defining proto-ethnographic text (1578) about the Tupinamba of Brazil to the treatment of the Creole upper class in New Spain as persons whose individuality deserves to be memorialized in contrast to the Mestizaje, African, and Indian underclass objectified as types deserving of scientific study, hierarchical distinctions between portraiture and ethnographic images can be framed in historical terms around the Aristotelian categories of the universal, the individual, and the particular. There are also some intriguing examples that destabilize these inherited distinctions, such as Puerto Rican artist José Campeche’s disturbing and poignant image of a deformed child, Juan Pantaléon Aviles, 1808; and an imaginary portrait of Moctezuma II, c. 1697, based on an ethnographic image, attributed to the leading Mexican painter Antonio Rodriguez. These anomalies serve to focus the study on the hegemonic position accorded to the viewing subject as actually precarious and unstable, always ripe for reinterpretation at the receiving end of European culture.


Author(s):  
Pablo Bolaños-Villegas ◽  
Pablo Bolaños-Villegas ◽  
Pablo Bolaños-Villegas ◽  
Pablo Bolaños-Villegas ◽  
Pablo Bolaños-Villegas ◽  
...  

Latin America is home to more than 600 million people and has considerable natural and human resources. However, investment in science and technology (S&T) lags far behind that in developed countries. This gap represents a barrier to the development of economies based on knowledge and hampers the region's ability to tackle environmental and social problems. This lack of investment is evident in the extreme case of Venezuela, where much of the science workforce has fled economic chaos, but also in every Latin American country, including science powers such as Brazil and Argentina, where federal budgets in science, technology and education have been drastically reduced in recent years. Investments in S&T foster cooperation, commerce and good will and enhance resilience in the face of environmental and social turmoil. Therefore, scientists must start to actively engage governments and encourage long-term spending in S&T to support the development of Latin American societies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Gurgen Levonovich Ghukasyan

In the new foreign economic conditions that have arisen as a result of a significant deformation of the cyclical dynamics of the world oil market, the views on the model of the socalled “rentier state” and “rentier economy” that apply to oil exporting countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and also to the states of the post-Soviet space, including the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, are of certain interest. For these states, in the face of declining oil export revenues, the question of changing the “rentier model” of development is relevant. At the same time, the recommendations of foreign authors are not acceptable in many aspects, but their analysis allows us to approach problems of overcoming the “raw nature” of the economy more comprehensively.


2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Baker

Despite wavy national economies and a perception among observers that economic globalization is growing increasingly unpopular, aggregate support for free trade remains quite high across Latin America. This finding is robust to the wording of survey questions and has been quite resilient through time, even in the face of economic stagnation. Current theories of trade preferences, including the widely applied Heckscher-Ohlin model, do not explain this trend. Instead, the author proposes a theory of trade preferences based not on what citizens produce but on what they consume. Statistical analyses of different surveys, including one conducted in fourteen Latin American countries, demonstrate that a consumption-based approach best accounts for trade preferences across individuals and countries. Moreover, the theory provides an explanation for the overall popularity of free trade in Latin America: citizens recognize and appreciate the lower price, increased variety, and higher quality of goods that have come in the wake of trade liberalization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-288
Author(s):  
Ángel R. Oquendo

While many women have profited from the relatively recent rights-revolution in Latin America, their pregnant sisters have apparently had to sit in the back of the bus or stay off altogether. Even modest progress on abortion entitlements has come at a high price and slow pace, perhaps due to the opposition of an alliance of long-established and up-and-coming religious groups. On a positive note, however, the struggle for emancipation on this front seems to be moving forward. In Chile, the Constitutional Court's (or Tribunal's) opinion of August 28, 2017, STC 3729/2017, which generally upholds a legislative bill allowing a woman to abort in the face of risk to life, lethal prenatal pathology, or rape, provides a case in point. Significantly, it also expands the statutory category of conscientious objectors to include non-professional staff and institutions.


2002 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-13
Author(s):  
Margy McClain

Current immigration to the U. S. consists mostly of individuals from Latin America, Asia, and Africa, and brings new kinds of cultural and linguistic diversity to the U. S. The demographic transformation of the United States is already visible in such states as California, which has become a "majority minority" state. This "new immigration" is changing the face of the U. S. in new ways as well, not only in established urban "first ports of entry," but also in smaller towns and semi-rural areas throughout the country.


F1000Research ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 235 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Jahi Chappell ◽  
Hannah Wittman ◽  
Christopher M Bacon ◽  
Bruce G Ferguson ◽  
Luis García Barrios ◽  
...  

Strong feedback between global biodiversity loss and persistent, extreme rural poverty are major challenges in the face of concurrent food, energy, and environmental crises. This paper examines the role of industrial agricultural intensification and market integration as exogenous socio-ecological drivers of biodiversity loss and poverty traps in Latin America. We then analyze the potential of a food sovereignty framework, based on protecting the viability of a diverse agroecological matrix while supporting rural livelihoods and global food production. We review several successful examples of this approach, including ecological land reform in Brazil, agroforestry,milpa, and the uses of wild varieties in smallholder systems in Mexico and Central America. We highlight emergent research directions that will be necessary to assess the potential of the food sovereignty model to promote both biodiversity conservation and poverty reduction.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (S1) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florencia E. Mallon

In Tlatelolco, in the symbolically laden Plaza of the Three Cultures, there is a famous plaque commemorating the fall of Tenochtitlán, after a heroic defence organised by Cuauhtemoc. According to the official words there inscribed, that fall ‘was neither a victory nor a defeat’, but the ‘painful birth’ of present-day Mexico, the mestizo Mexico glorified and institutionalised by the Revolution of 1910. Starting with the experiences of 1968 – which added yet another layer to the archaeological sedimentation already present in Tlatelolco – and continuing with greater force in the face of the current wave of indigenous movements throughout Latin America, as well as the crisis of indigenismo and of the postrevolutionary development model, many have begun to doubt the version of Mexican history represented therein.1 Yet it is important to emphasise that the Tlatelolco plaque, fogged and tarnished as it may be today, would never have been an option in the plazas of Lima or La Paz. The purpose of this essay is to define and explain this difference by reference to the modern histories of Peru, Bolivia and Mexico. In so doing, I hope to elucidate some of the past and potential future contributions of indigenous political cultures to the ongoing formation of nation-states in Latin America.As suggested by the plaque in Tlatelolco, the process and symbolism of mestizaje has been central to the Mexican state's project of political and territorial reorganisation. By 1970, only 7.8 % of Mexico's population was defined as Indian, and divided into 59 different linguistic groups.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 653
Author(s):  
André Luiz Pereira Spinieli

O debate sobre o pluralismo jurídico no contexto político e social latino-americano não é recente, de modo que suas percepções foram renovadas a partir do movimento neoconstitucionalista operado no continente, responsável por desencadear alternativas epistêmicas para se pensar a efetividade dos direitos humanos e dos direitos de cidadania, tudo a partir da lógica de emancipação social e descolonialidade, como possibilidade de rompimento com o constitucionalismo tradicional, de cunho conservador, hegemônico e colonialista. Em termos gerais, como uma das respostas à concepção juspositivista, o pluralismo jurídico surge como modelo de pensamento para a práxis dos direitos humanos, em face de uma sociedade na qual impera a lógica das exclusões concretas em contrariedade às inclusões abstratas. Dessa forma, tomando por base a abordagem bibliográfica, este trabalho propõe oferecer reflexões a respeito do atual estado da cultura de direitos humanos instalada na América Latina, com enfoque nas contribuições epistemológicas advindas da teoria críticados direitos humanos e do pluralismo jurídico wolkmeriano.Palavras-chave: Pluralismo jurídico. Direitos humanos. Cultura constitucional. América Latina. Teoria crítica dos direitos humanos.LEGAL PLURALISM AS AN EPISTEMOLOGICAL ALTERNATIVE FOR THE CULTURE OF HUMAN RIGHTS SINCE THE LATIN AMERICAN CONTEXTAbstractThe debate on legal pluralism in the Latin American political and social context is not recent, so that their perceptions were renewed from the neo-constitutionalist movement operated on the continent, responsible for triggering epistemic alternatives to think about the effectiveness of human rights and human rights of citizenship, all based on the logic of social emancipation and decoloniality, as a possibility of breaking with traditional constitutionalism, of a conservative, hegemonic and colonialist nature. In general terms, as one of the answers to the juspositivist conception, legal pluralism emerges as a model of thoughtfor the practice of human rights, in the face of a society in which the logic of concrete exclusions prevails in opposition to abstract inclusions. Thus, based on the bibliographic approach, this work proposes to offer reflections on the current state of human rights culture in Latin America, focusing on the epistemological contributions arising from the critical theory of human rights and legal Wolkmer’s pluralism.Keywords: Legal Pluralism. Human rights. Constitutional culture. Latin America. Critical theory of human rights.


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