scholarly journals Science diplomacy within the Russian-Chinese-Mongolian cooperation at the present time

2020 ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boykova Elena Vladimirovna ◽  
Tuul D

Science diplomacy is an increasingly important component of the trilateral partnership complex among China, Mongolia and Russia at the present time. Being a form of public diplomacy, it serves as a means of promoting and protecting national interests of the states that are the parties of the “China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor” project. Diplomacy of scholars of the three countries is a promising format for international contacts with potential impact on international relations, particularly in Northeast Asia. Science diplomacy allows to expand the circle of non-state actors that are representatives of Russia, China and Mongolia, thereby increasing the number of participants of international relations. Scholars of the three countries have accumulated considerable experience of bilateral cooperation in various fields, which suggests that there are favorable prospects for expansion of tripartite contacts among them. Interaction of scholars of the three countries is a form of public diplomacy, in the frames of which the participants of the process combine functions of academic and public figures. Орчин үеийн Орос-Хятад-Монгол гурван улсын хамтын ажиллагааны хүрээн дэх шинжлэх ухааны салбарын  дипломат харилцаа Хураангуй: Шинжлэх ухааны салбарын дипломат харилцаа нь орчин үеийн Хятад, Монгол, Орос гурван талын түншлэлийн нэг цогц чухал бүрэлдэхүүн хэсэг юм. Гурван улсын эрдэмтдийн дипломат харилцаа нь улсуудын хоорондоо холбоо тогтоох ирээдүйтэй хэлбэр бөгөөд олон улсын харилцаанд, түүнчлэн, Зүүн хойд Азид эрдэмтдийн хамтын ажиллагааны үзүүлэх үйлчлэл, нөлөө багагүй нөөц бололцоотой билээ. Шинжлэх ухааны салбарын дипломат харилцаа нь Орос, Хятад, Монгол гурван улсын төлөөлөгч - төрийн бус оролцогчдын хүрээг тэлж өгч, улмаар олон улсын харилцаанд оролцогчдын тоог нэмэгдүүлдэг. Гурван улсын эрдэмтэд төрөл бүрийн салбарт хоёр талын хамтын ажиллагааг хөгжүүлж, ихээхэн туршлага хуримтлуулсан нь цаашид өөр хоорондоо гурван талын холбоо харилцааг өргөтгөхөд таатай нөхцөл бүрдэх тухай яриа өрнүүлэх боломжийг бүрдүүлж байна. Гурван улсын эрдэмтдийн хамтын ажиллагаа нь олон нийтийн дипломат харилцааны нэг хэлбэр бөгөөд энэ харилцааны хүрээнд явагддаг үйл ажиллагаанд оролцогчид шинжлэх ухааны болон олон нийтийн салбарт хийгдэх ажлуудыг өөрсдийн хүрээнд хамруулаад явдаг. Түлхүүр үгc: шинжлэх ухааны салбарын дипломат харилцаа, Хятад-Монгол-Орос гурван улсын эдийн засгийн коридор, гурван талын харилцан хамтын ажиллагаа, олон нийтийн дипломат харилцаа, Зүүн Хойд Азийн олон улсын харилцаа

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Iva Rachmawati

This article places public diplomacy as an effort to preserve state’s existence in the international relations as well as to share identity in order to achieve mutual understanding by state and non-state actors. The conception of public diplomacy over the years has placed public diplomacy on the narrow framework of the state’s efforts to build a positive image. As a result, such efforts are ignorant of the important efforts of non-state actors in building a fundamental thing for the existence of a state, its identity. Through some historical facts, this article shows that public diplomacy is an effort not only held by the state but also non-state actors in communicating their identity. Both actions are within the public diplomacy of state design or done independently. State domination sometimes limits the movement of non-state actors, but on the contrary in the current era of openness provides wider opportunities for non-state actors to play a better and more independent role in preserving their existence as well as relations among citizen


Author(s):  
Yuyao Wu

This article is dedicated to analysis of the role of the Network University of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Special attention is given to the current humanitarian cooperation between Russia and China that includes not only the traditional spheres as culture and education, but also healthcare, sport, tourism, as well as meets the demands of both states pertinent to structuring of regional subsystem of international relations. In this context, the author reviews Russian-Chinese cooperation in educational sphere in format of Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the role of University of SCO that allows successfully overcoming different barriers on the path of regional integration within SCO. The author’s special contribution into the research of Russia-China bilateral cooperation in humanitarian sphere lies in studying the evolution of their relations in educational sector with consideration of creation of the Network University of Shanghai Cooperation Organization. A conclusion is made on substantial strengthening of institutional framework of the bilateral humanitarian cooperation due to establishment of the University of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as intensification of the processes of creation of a single “educational space” of SCO that increases the level of corporate integration that caters to the national interests of Russia and China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 499-507
Author(s):  
Hosea Olayiwola Patrick ◽  
Ernest Nene Khalema ◽  
Rhoda Titilopemi Inioluwa Abiolu ◽  
George Mbara

Purpose of the study: The study's rationale is tied to examining the viability of global collective security within a continuously changing arena of national interest of actors. It assesses the basis for global actors' policy responses and actions in the fight against the novel coronavirus (Covid-19). Methodology: The study uses a secondary data scoping review technique focusing on collective security, national interest, and Covid -19 as the central themes. It utilizes the tenents of human nature, cooperation, and systemic considerations espoused in game theory’s stag hunt analysis and Maslow’s hierarchy of needs to explore the rationale for state actions in the global arena. Main findings: The paper confirms that while collective security is essential for global security, its efficacy is dependent on its alignment with states' national interests. Drawing from case observation of global superpowers' responses to Covid-19, the paper argues that the global and 'borderless' impact of Covid-19 serves to buttress the assertion that the integrity of collective security is a function of national interest alignment. In essence, collective security is only 'collective' and effective when state actors' national interests are directly aligned to the pursuance of such security objective(s). The paper concludes that the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic could only be won if global actors shun the narrow gains of national interest and focus on the survival of all through collective policy efforts. Application: The study is relevant as it adds to the body of knowledge and analysis for geopolitics and international relations. It is also a useful prototype in theory testing and analysis within politics and international relations subfields. It is also relevant in the discourse of global public health and human security. Novelty: The need to assess the methodology and need for collective action in the face of global threats is imperative. Thus, the study serves as an eye-opener and acknowledgment of the declining status of collective security in the face of national interest despite the clamor pre- and post-United nations formation and aim for world peace. Therefore, the global and 'borderless' impact of Covid-19 serves to buttress the assertion that the integrity of collective security is a function of national interest alignment. In essence, collective security is only 'collective' and effective when state actors' national interests are directly in agreement with the pursuance of such security objective(s).


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 293-306
Author(s):  
M. M. Lebedeva

Abstract: In the 1960s when it first appeared as a concept public diplomacy was defined very broadly as the impact of a state on a foreign audience. In the 21st century changes in the political organization of the world have led to the strengthening of the social power a state, as well as to the expansion of the means and methods of its use to influence foreign audiences. A new state practice was developed – state policy in the field of international communication. Public diplomacy is only one of the directions of this policy. However, as a result of the initially very broad definition of public diplomacy, it has come to be identified in scientific literature with propaganda, strategic communication, and national branding. The tools developed in related fields – military, commercial – has its own specifics. The article shows that association of these activities with public diplomacy is wrong both in theoretical and practical terms, since it does not allow choosing the appropriate tools of influence for a specific situation. It is argued that under public diplomacy it is still advisable to understand such state communication with a foreign audience, which, firstly, is based on creating attractiveness, secondly, which is focused specifically on the political sphere, and thirdly, it involves dialogue. Comparative analysis of public policy in the field of international communication from different spheres will allow us to better understand the specifics and mechanisms that work in each of these areas. In the middle of the 20th century, non-state actors had not yet entered the international arena en masse, and structures that were “trackers” of state policy were included in public diplomacy in its unofficial channels. Today the situation is much more complicated: along with “trackers” within the framework of unofficial channels of public diplomacy, there are actors of world politics who have significant independence in the world arena and often pursue state policy at their own discretion. As a result, there is often a duplication of certain points, which may be perceived by the external audience as annoying, and on the contrary, there may be contradictions in the actions of various actors of the same state. In any case, in order to somehow reduce such negative effects, it is necessary to study the activities of non-state actors (first of all, actors, and not just “trackers”) of public diplomacy. Also, International Relations (in contrast to other fields of political science) does not study official channels of public diplomacy, including briefings for journalists by various state officials, especially interaction with an external audience through websites, social networks, etc. It is obvious that this subject area should attract the attention of researchers of International Relations to a greater extent than it is observed today.


Author(s):  
Dr Naureen Nazar Soomro ◽  
Sohni Siddiqui ◽  
Ghulam Murtaza Khoso

Globalization has brought huge changes in every section of life, including education. The international relations have been impacted on by globalization as well. The students, scholars and researchers, these days, are regarded as actors in diplomacy. Education diplomacy is considered as an important tool in the conduct of international relations worldwide. The public diplomacy through provision of education opportunities, known as soft power tool, has emerged as a new trend by which countries extend their national interests and attempt to shape the preferences of others and affecting their behaviour in one’s favour. International Education has proved to be a major contributor to soft power goals and has emerged as an important part of public diplomacy that has created many advantages. The countries anticipate, by means of education diplomacy, the promotion of nation’s policy priorities and interests and subsequently, to contribute to country’s economic development and investment. The present study aims to explore the soft power goals of the Southeast Asian Countries. It further explores the goals that are achieved by the countries through implementation of public diplomacy in education.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Devi Yusvitasari

A country needs to make contact with each other based on the national interests of each country related to each other, including among others economic, social, cultural, legal, political, and so on. With constant and continuous association between the nations of the world, it is one of the conditions for the existence of the international community. One form of cooperation between countries in the world is in the form of international relations by placing diplomatic representation in various countries. These representatives have diplomatic immunity and diplomatic immunity privileges that are in accordance with the jurisdiction of the recipient country and civil and criminal immunity for witnesses. The writing of the article entitled "The Application of the Principle of Non-Grata Persona to the Ambassador Judging from the Perspective of International Law" describes how the law on the abuse of diplomatic immunity, how a country's actions against abuse of diplomatic immunity and how to analyze a case of abuse of diplomatic immunity. To answer the problem used normative juridical methods through the use of secondary data, such as books, laws, and research results related to this research topic. Based on the results of the study explained that cases of violations of diplomatic relations related to the personal immunity of diplomatic officials such as cases such as cases of persecution by the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia to Indonesian Workers in Germany are of serious concern. The existence of diplomatic immunity is considered as protection so that perpetrators are not punished. Actions against the abuse of recipient countries of diplomatic immunity may expel or non-grata persona to diplomatic officials, which is stipulated in the Vienna Convention in 1961, because of the right of immunity attached to each diplomatic representative.


Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
Sadeghi Elham Mir Mohammad ◽  
Ahmad Vakhshitekh

The article considers and analyses the basic principles and directions of Russian foreign policy activities during the presidency of V.V. Putin from the moment of his assumption of the post of head of state to the current presidential term. The authors determine the basic principles of Russia's foreign policy in the specified period and make the assessment to them. The study uses materials from publications of both Russian and foreign authors, experts in the field of political science, history and international relations, as well as documents regulating the foreign policy activities of the highest state authorities. The paper considers the process of forming the priorities of Russia's foreign policy both from the point of view of accumulated historical experience and continuity of the internal order, and in parallel with the processes of transformation of the entire system of international relations and the world order. The article notes the multi-vector nature of Russia's foreign policy strategy aimed at developing multilateral interstate relations, achieving peace and security in the interstate arena, actively countering modern challenges and threats to interstate security, as well as the formation of a multipolar world. The authors conclude that at present, Russia's foreign policy activity is aimed at strengthening Russia's prestige, supporting economic growth and competitiveness, ensuring security and implementing national interests. Internal political reforms contribute to strengthening the political power of the President of the Russian Federation and increasing the efficiency of foreign policy decision-making.


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