scholarly journals ENTRE O PÚBLICO E O PRIVADO: o significado das entidades beneficentes no contexto do SUAS no Distrito Federal

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 424
Author(s):  
Janaína Lopes do Nascimento Duarte

Na dinâmica contemporânea de crise e reestruturação do capital, ganha fôlego, no atendimento às necessidades sociais, a partilha de responsabilidades entre Estado, Mercado e “TerceiroSetor”. Na Política de Assistência no Brasil, mesmo com o SUAS, a ênfase na participação da sociedade civil se intensifica com a prestação de serviços por meio das entidades beneficentese de assistência social. O objetivo principal deste ensaio é problematizar o significado atual das entidades beneficentes, no contexto do SUAS, em tempos de privatização e ssistencialização de políticas sociais. Sem esgotar o tema, o texto desenvolve alguns aspectos: conjuntura e proteçãosocial no Brasil, sob o comando do pluralismo de bem-estar e do manejo do risco social; Política de Assistência Social, a partir do SUAS, e a tendência de privatização e assistencialização; tensão entre o público e o privado no âmbito da PNAS, considerando o significado das entidades beneficentes da assistência social.Palavras-chave: Proteção Social; Assistência Social; Entidades BeneficentesBETWEEN THE PUBLIC AND THE PRIVATE: Reflections about the meaning of the Beneficent Entities in the SUAS context Distrito Federal Abstract: In the contemporaneous dynamic of the capital’s crisis and restructuration, the process of division of responsibilities between State, Market and “Third Sector” take breath in order to attend the social necessities”. In the Social Assistance Politics in Brazil, even with the SUAS, the emphasisin the civil society participation it intensifies with the services made by beneficent entities and the social assistance. The main objective of this article is to show the problem of the current meaning of the beneficent entities, in the SUAS context, in times of privatization and assistencialization of the social policies. Without finalizing the subject, the text develop some aspects: conjuncture and social protection in Brazil, under the command of the pluralism of welfare and of the social risk manage;Social Assistance Politic, from the SUAS, and the tendency of privatization and assistencialization; tension between the public and the private under PNAS scope, considering the meaning of the beneficent entities of social assistance.Keywords: Social Protection, Social Assistance, Beneficent Entities.

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (42) ◽  
Author(s):  
Poliana De Oliveira Carvalho ◽  
Solange Maria Teixeira

O presente trabalho analisa o Trabalho Social com Famílias no acompanhamento familiar implementado por meio de grupos, no Cras da cidade de Piripiri (PI), como instrumento de promoção da participação, da autonomia e do protagonismo. A pesquisa de campo foi feita por meio de entrevistas com profissionais e usuários, analisadas aqui à luz da discussão teórica dos principais estudiosos da temática. A pesquisa foi submetida a Comitê de Ética e todos os participantes assinaram termo de Consentimento Livre e Esclarecido. Conclui-se que é possível identificar resquícios de conservadorismo na Política de Assistência Social, e que, apesar dos entraves provocados pela falta de capacitação profissional, pela não mobilização de bagagem teórica e pela falta de estrutura física e de incentivos profissionais, é possível identificar traços de mobilização para a participação social e algum grau de protagonismo social nas ações implementadas.Palavras-Chave: trabalho social com famílias; participação; autonomia; protagonismo.  Abstract – This article analyzes the social work in family support implemented through groups, in the Reference Center for Social Assistance (CRAS) in the city of Piripiri, Piaui as an instrument to promote participation, autonomy and protagonism. The field research was done through interviews with professionals and users, analyzed here in light of the theoretical discussion of the main scholars of the subject. The research was submitted to the Ethics Committee and all the participants signed a Free and Informed Consent term. It concludes that it is possible to identify traces of conservatism in the Social Assistance Policy and that despite the obstacles caused by the lack of professional training, the lack of mobilization of a theoretical backgraound, and the lack of infrastructure and professional incentives, it is possible to identify traits of mobilization for social participation and some degree of social protagonism in the implemented actions.Keywords: social work with families; participation; autonomy; protagonism.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr G. Bulba ◽  
Maryna V. Goncharenko ◽  
Oleksandr V. Yevtuxov

Through a critical document-based methodology, the research analyses the essence of social risks as the object of public administration, proposes their classification, tests the need for interconnection of social and fiscal policies, bases the structure of the financial and budgetary mechanism for public management of social risks and, consequently, proposes to improve it by increasing investment in human capital to prevent social risks. It is concluded that the orientation of the social protection system to countervailing measures in relation to certain groups of the population seeks to solve the problem of poverty by strengthening tax distributional processes, increasing the amount of social spending on total state spending, but if it fails to increase the effectiveness of social programmers, the main social problems will not be solved. It is established that the main direction of improvement of the public social risk management tax mechanism should be the minimization of the compensatory nature of the financial provision of the consequences of social risks and, the activation of the application of investment tools for the prevention of their occurrence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Joyce

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the 2016 elections for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and to compare them with those that took place in 2012. It seeks to evaluate the background of the candidates who stood for office in 2016, the policies that they put forward, the results of the contests and the implications of the 2016 experience for future PCC elections. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based around several key themes – the profile of candidates who stood for election, preparations conducted prior to the contests taking place, the election campaign and issues raised during the contests, the results and the profile of elected candidates. The paper is based upon documentary research, making particular use of primary source material. Findings The research establishes that affiliation to a political party became the main route for successful candidates in 2016 and that local issues related to low-level criminality will dominate the future policing agenda. It establishes that although turnout was higher than in 2012, it remains low and that further consideration needs to be devoted to initiatives to address this for future PCC election contests. Research limitations/implications The research focusses on the 2016 elections and identifies a number of key issues that emerged during the campaign affecting the conduct of the contests which have a bearing on future PCC elections. It treats these elections as a bespoke topic and does not seek to place them within the broader context of the development of the office of PCC. Practical implications The research suggests that in order to boost voter participation in future PCC election contests, PCCs need to consider further means to advertise the importance of the role they perform and that the government should play a larger financial role in funding publicity for these elections and consider changing the method of election. Social implications The rationale for introducing PCCs was to empower the public in each police force area. However, issues that include the enhanced importance of political affiliation as a criteria for election in 2016 and the social unrepresentative nature of those who stood for election and those who secured election to this office in these contests coupled with shortcomings related to public awareness of both the role of PCCs and the timing of election contests threaten to undermine this objective. Originality/value The extensive use of primary source material ensures that the subject matter is original and its interpretation is informed by an academic perspective.


2020 ◽  
Vol 123 ◽  
pp. 87-101
Author(s):  
Grega Strban ◽  
Sara Bagari

There have always been people who cannot take care of their daily needs and are reliant on care. However, due to higher life expectancy and low birth rates, changes in lifestyle and increased mobility, reliance on long-term care is becoming a general risk in life. Therefore, it must be provided with social protection. In this respect, the criteria for shaping the (new) social risk of reliance on long-term care are also fulfilled. Although different benefits are already provided within different parts of the social security system, the paper discusses that the best option is to define reliance on long-term care as an independent social risk. Furthermore, we must ensure that providing long-term care will not turn out to be a double social risk. The issue has to be addressed at the national and at the EU level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-285
Author(s):  
Anton N. Fortunatov ◽  
Natalia G. Voskresenskaya

The problem of social aggression of young people that are immersed in digital communication has become the subject of this study. The authors did not confine to the state of the depressing condition of the ethical sphere in digital communication. They wanted to find out the underlying causes of the social antagonism and the conflict. One of the most important reasons for social destruction is the lack of clear space-time coordinates for a virtual subject. It leads to the use of the passive personality by the technologies themselves. A man turns into material for algorithms, and his psychophysics becomes a continuation of impersonal technology. This situation characterizes the formation of a new era of Web 4.0, which the authors call counter communication. Interactivity is a thing of the past. Technologies of new sincerity come to its place. Outrageousness, detabooing, use of eroticism are forms of communicative use of a virtual subject who, in the modern communicative space, is in a state of unrelenting tension, which only changes its mode in connection with all new reasons for exaltation. The study of the psyche of young people completely immersed in the virtual world has become a confirmation that virtual ethics is moving further and further from the traditional ethical principles. Their social skills, as well as social protection, were the lowest among the various groups of young people. Communication for them ultimately turns into a persistent search for entertainment, into a striving for a hedonistically comfortable environment, into denial of socially significant topics and problems.


2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-103
Author(s):  
Edmundas Gimžauskas

The activities of the German priest Friedrich Muckermann in Vilnius would belong to those cases when an extraordinary personality influenced crucially the development of the public process, by rallying an abundant crowd of followers. The assumptions of the social activities initiated by this Jesuit priest consisted of the transformation of the Catholic Church at the beginning of the 20th century from a confessional to a social category, and the conditioned general operation of the latter phenomenon. At the turn of 1918–1919 in Vilnius, due to the efforts of Muckermann, the League of Christian Workers appeared and gained more and more popularity in lower social strata. This seriously worried the Bolshevik government. Activists of the national movements conflicting with each other, in turn, understanding the prospects for the cultural-social consolidation begun by the priest to become political, naturally sought to influence the League. The arrest of Muckermann by the Bolsheviks not only encouraged a shift by the League to the Polish side, but also changed the nature of the organisation in the direction of radical action. Members of the League contributed actively to the capture of Vilnius by the Polish army in April 1919. And from that time, the organisation can be considered to be Polish, which in no way could be said about the League run by Muckermann. Leaving Bolshevik captivity at the end of 1919 in an exceptional way, he became not only a famous Catholic activist in interwar Germany, but also a symbol of the Christian resistance to Nazism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-163
Author(s):  
Daniel Renfrew ◽  
Thomas W. Pearson

This article examines the social life of PFAS contamination (a class of several thousand synthetic per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances) and maps the growing research in the social sciences on the unique conundrums and complex travels of the “forever chemical.” We explore social, political, and cultural dimensions of PFAS toxicity, especially how PFAS move from unseen sites into individual bodies and into the public eye in late industrial contexts; how toxicity is comprehended, experienced, and imagined; the factors shaping regulatory action and ignorance; and how PFAS have been the subject of competing forms of knowledge production. Lastly, we highlight how people mobilize collectively, or become demobilized, in response to PFAS pollution/ toxicity. We argue that PFAS exposure experiences, perceptions, and responses move dynamically through a “toxicity continuum” spanning invisibility, suffering, resignation, and refusal. We off er the concept of the “toxic event” as a way to make sense of the contexts and conditions by which otherwise invisible pollution/toxicity turns into public, mass-mediated, and political episodes. We ground our review in our ongoing multisited ethnographic research on the PFAS exposure experience.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-142
Author(s):  
Tatyana E. Lomova ◽  

The article analyses women’s organizations of modern Russia as a component of civil society. The study is based on the gender approach and materials analyzed include statistical data, results of opinion polls, websites of women’s organizations, interviews and other documents. The women’s movement is considered as one of the social practices in the context of the theory of practices proposed by Pierre Bourdie, Robert Connell and others. The author notes that the peak of women’s activity in Russia was in the 1990s, when women were uniting to solve social problems, such as women’s unemployment, human trafficking, etc. During that time, the women’s movement in Russia was developing with the support of international women’s organizations and foreign charity funds, but after the adoption of the so-called law on “foreign agents” many funds suspended or limited their activities in Russia. As a result, nowadays, many Russian NGOs including women’s organizations are facing financial problems. NGOs recognized as a “foreign agent” experience the most difficulties while organizations with the status of socially oriented NGOs can receive government’s support and funding. Using the method of content analysis, the author revealed that names of Russian women’s organizations often include such words as “family”, “childhood”, and “motherhood”, whereas the words “woman”/“women” and ‘women’s’ are rarely used. This is due to the fact that in Russian society there are still widespread views that the range of women’s interests should be limited to the private sphere. At the same time, the gender theory and feminism are often presented as attempts to undermine national traditions. As a result, a woman is considered as an object of social policy rather than a subject of social processes. The majority of Russian women’s organizations focus on charity work, but specific women’s interests and problems are often ignored or undervalued. However, domestic violence, labour market discrimination, and other gender problems can be solved only through the close interaction of the “third sector”, business, and government.


ILUMINURAS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (47) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovane Antonio Scherer ◽  
Marco Pereira Dilligenti ◽  
Ricardo Souza Araujo

O  presente artigo articula dois fenômenos aparentemente  distintos, o Urbicídio e o Juvenicídio, enquanto expressões da crise estrutural do capital., que se agrava no Brasil e nos demais países dependentes no atual quadro. A cidade é palco de um modelo neoliberal que segrega a classe trabalhadora dos direitos acessados nos grandes centros urbanos, sendo as periferias desprovidas de equipamentos públicos. As juventudes, mesmo que legalmente reconhecidas comosujeito de direitos, são vítimas da  ausência  de políticas sociais, principalmente nas periferias, territórios violados pelo Estado Penal. As políticas públicas até então constituídas promovem ações limitadas focadas no recrutamento de jovens no mercado de trabalho desassociadas de políticas públicas de proteção social básica, cada vez mais precarizadas. No entanto, as juventudes, plenas de potencialidades, podem protagonizar movimentos de resistência a este projeto societário, que exclui, encarcera e mata.Palavras-Chave: Juventudes, Território, Juvenicídio, Urbicídio THE TWO SIDES OF THE SAME COIN: Urbicide and Youthicide in Brasilian Reality.Abstract: The present article discuss two apparently distinct phenomena, Urbicide and Youthicide, as expressions of the structural crisis of capital, which is aggravated in Brazil and in the other dependent countries in the present conjuncture. The city is the stage of a neoliberal model that segregates the  working class, without right to the city  and  the social services.The youth, even if legally recognized as subject of rights, are victims of the absence of social policies, mainly in the peripheries, territories violated by the Criminal State. The public policies e promote limited actions focused on the recruitment of young people in the labor market disassociated with public policies of basic social protection, increasingly precarized. However, youths, full of potentialities, can carry out resistance movements to this project which excludes, imprisons and kills.Keywords: Youth,Territory,Youthcide, Urbicide


Author(s):  
Luminița MUNTEANU

The article is the result of a complex research activity. The starting point was to make a diagnosis of the Iasi community on the needs of social assistance. The interest of local authorities is to ensure optimal conditions for the provision of quality social services, leading to an improvement in the quality of life of people at social risk. This article makes a complex assessment of the social problems faced by the local community in Iasi, using the analysis of documents, questionnaires and focus groups. The special contribution is given by the development strategy of the resulting local social assistance system, with emphasis on the category of elderly beneficiaries.


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