scholarly journals Democracy: Between the essentially contested concept and the agonistic practice: Connolly, Mouffe, Tully

2010 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-87
Author(s):  
Michal Sladecek
Keyword(s):  
Social Integration ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Pluralism ◽  
William Connolly ◽  
The Status ◽  
Specific Interpretation ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Essentially Contested Concept

The text considers points of view of theoreticians of the radical pluralism (democracy): Connolly (William Connolly), Mouffe (Chantal Mouffe) and Tully (James Tully) with regard to the status and the nature of concepts in the political discourse, as well as the consequences of these conceptual presumptions to understanding democracy. The three authors emphasize the essential contestability of political concepts, the paradox of liberal democracy and the need to revise standard rational consensus theories of democracy. Also, the three authors take over the specific interpretation of Vittgenstein to the direction of political theory the centre of which consists of everyday contingent practices of politics as well as dissent about their assessment. The text analyzes the extent to which this reading is compatible to Wittgenstein's position. The author defends the opinion that the essential contestability does not imply agonism and denial of the significance of rules and tries to indicate to the points of illegitimate transition from antiessentialism to unconsensus rules. Also, the text underlines the flaws of dissent conception of democracy and social integration.

Carl Schmitt’s Political Theory of Dictatorship

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
General Analysis ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter reconstructs the intellectual-historical background to Carl Schmitt’s well-known analysis of the problem of dictatorship and the powers of the Reichspräsident under the Weimar Constitution. The analysis focuses both on Schmitt’s wartime propaganda work, concerning a distinction between the state of siege and dictatorship, as well as on his more general analysis of modern German liberalism. It demonstrates why Schmitt attempted to produce a critical history of the history of modern political thought with the concept of dictatorship at its heart and how he came to distinguish between commissarial and sovereign forms of dictatorship to attack liberalism and liberal democracy. The chapter also focuses on the conceptual reworking of the relationship between legitimacy and dictatorship that Schmitt produced by interweaving the political thought of the Abbé Sieyès and the French Revolution into his basic rejection of contemporary liberal and socialist forms of politics.

The People, Rhetoric, and Affect: On the Political Force of Du Bois'sThe Souls of Black Folk

2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
MELVIN L. ROGERS
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Emotional States ◽  
Black Folk ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Souls Of Black Folk ◽  
Racial Lines ◽  
The One

In recent decades, the concept of “the people” has received sustained theoretical attention. Unfortunately, political theorists have said very little about its explicit or implicit use in thinking about the expansion of the American polity along racial lines. The purpose of this article in taking up this issue is twofold: first, to provide a substantive account of the meaning of “the people”—what I call its descriptive and aspirational dimensions—and second, to use that description as a framework for understanding the rhetorical character of W.E.B. Du Bois's classic work,The Souls of Black Folk, and its relationship to what one might call the cognitive–affective dimension of judgment. In doing so, I argue that as a work of political theory,Soulsdraws a connection between rhetoric, on the one hand, and emotional states such as sympathy and shame, on the other, to enlarge America's political and ethical imagination regarding the status of African-Americans.

THE INFLUENCE OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRACY IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL THEORY

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-52
Author(s):  
Mirilias Azad ogly Agaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Silent Majority ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Impact

The article is devoted to the impact of populism on democracy. To investigate the impact of populism on democracy, the author explores key approaches to the populism notion: political, socio-cultural and ideological. The article notes that populism studies lack a single definition and emphasizes there are negative, positive and neutral evaluations of the nature of this phenomenon. These conclusions are used for further assumptions about the impact on liberal democratic institutions. After analyzing the works on the populism of such scholars as B. Arditi, H.-G. Betz, M. Canovan, E. Laclau, K. Mudde, S. Mouffe, K. Rovira Kaltwasser, N. Urbinati, and others, the article draws conclusions about the multidimensionality of influence on liberal democracy and, in particular, about the fallacy of solely negative assessments of this impact. The author underlines the presence of both positive aspects (providing the interests of the “silent majority”, mobilizing excluded groups and integrating them into the political sphere), and negative aspects (rejection of representative democracy and parliamentarism) of populism.

scholarly journals Saving Nation, Faith and Family. Yoram Hazony’s National Conservativism and Its Theo-Political Mission

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 1091
Author(s):  
Michaela Quast-Neulinger
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Specific Kind ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
Religiously Based ◽  
The Way

Particularly pushed by the Edmund Burke Foundation and its president Yoram Hazony, the political movement of National Conservativism is largely based on specific concepts of nation, faith and family. Driven by the mission to overcome the violence of liberalism, identified with imperialism, national conservatives shape potent international and interreligious alliances for a religiously based system of independent national states. The article gives an outline of the main programmatic pillars of National Conservativism at the example of Yoram Hazony’s The Virtue of Nationalism, one of the current ideological key works of the movement. It will show how its political framework is based on a binary frame of liberalism (identified with imperialism) versus nationalism, the latter supported as the way forward towards protecting freedom, faith and family. The analytic part will focus on the use of religious motifs and the construction of a specific kind of Judaeo-Christianism as a means of exclusivist theo-political nationalism. It will be shown that Hazony’s nationalism is no way to overcome violence, but a political theory close to theo-political authoritarianism, based on abridged readings of Scripture, history and philosophy. It severely endangers the foundations of democracies, especially with regard to minority and women’s rights, and delegitimizes liberal democracy and religious traditions positively contributing to it.

scholarly journals Wróg w politycznych narracjach antagonizmu manichejskiego

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 92-107
Author(s):  
Jacek Ziółkowski
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Political Groups

Enemy in political narrations of manichaean antagonismThe text is an attempt to draw the reader attention to the importance of mechanisms and potential effects of political narrations of Manichaean antagonism. The author assesses that these type of narrations, par­ticularly when they grow to the status of the official political propaganda, constitute the significant threat to liberal democracy. An axiological antagonism is determining the creation of a state of political war, makes impossible the dialogue and the cooperation between political groups. The rival is taken as the enemy, and political arche is an aspiration to destroy him. Such a scheme is a great challenge for the political pluralism. Antagonistic narrations, especially marked with Gnostic and Manichaean elements most often apply ma­nipulative reductions in complex reality, relying on such public instructions as: low political competence, mistrust, authoritarian and paranoid tendencies.

Nobility and Necessity: The Problem of Courage in Aristotle’s

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Ward
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Moral Virtue ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Individual

In the current debate over the status of moral virtue in ethical and political theory, Aristotle is an imposing and controversial figure. Both champions and critics of the ancient conception of virtue identify Aristotle as its most important proponent, but commentators often obscure the complexity of his treatment of moral virtue. His account of courage reveals this complexity. Aristotle believes that courage, and indeed virtue generally, must be understood as both an end in itself and a means to a more comprehensive good. In this way Aristotle’s political science offers a middle course that corrects and embraces the claims of nobility and necessity in political life. Honor is central to this political science. It acts as a bridge between the desires of the individual and the needs of the political community and reduces the dangers posed by the excessive pursuit of nobility and the complete acquiescence to necessity.

scholarly journals Perspective as a way of information visualization in V. Yavorivsky's journalism

Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 93-105
Author(s):  
Lidia Havaldzhy ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Information Visualization ◽  
Relevant Information ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Information Selection ◽  
The Status ◽  
Mature Period ◽  
Past Life ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Selection Of

The article analyzes the peculiarities of perspective expression in the journalistic works of V. Yavorivsky of the early, middle and mature period of creativity, reveals the features of the dynamics of the idiolect. Consideration of journalistic works of V. Yavorivsky early and mature period of creativity shows that the perspective as a means of visualization of information is a constant category, but the prospects of these periods of creativity of the Master of the word has its own characteristics, which is noticeable when choosing the themes of works, systematization of relevant information, selection of means of nomination of persons and events, represented by the connotation of the text. Worldview values, characteristic of the second half of the twentieth century, are transmitted through the prism of the author's vision or beliefs of the heroes of the essays. The means of expressing a point of view are direct or implicit direct speech, comparison or opposition of several points of view, their overlap, motivation of proper names, etc. Journalistic essays of the books „What kind of people are we?” (works of the mature period of creativity) are united by one macrotheme, although each time one of the problems of this theme is raised. The worldview perspective in these works is realized first of all by the structure of the political discourse itself, the publicist's polemic with the respondents, the authors of the letters. The category of point of view here is represented by the author's evidence, the selection of appropriate arguments, passionate emotional reflections, in which the narrator takes over the function of a commentator. The author expresses his thoughts with sincere confidence in the correctness of his beliefs, which he defends, seeking to „look the truth in the eye”. The status-role perspective is conditioned by the realities of the present and past life of Ukrainians, revealed in the powerful axiological nature of the text, which is often achieved by selecting accurate paraphrases. The situational perspective in these works is revealed primarily due to the change of participants in the discussion, quoting letters in which the contributors express their point of view.

The Political Theory of Social Democracy

1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Levine
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Social Philosophy ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Positive Side

For more than two decades, C. B. Macpherson has waged a relentless campaign to expose and critize the ‘possessive individualist’ assumptions of classical and liberal democratictheory. This new book —a collection of essays, including several not previously published —gives a clear focus to this campaign and provides the fullest expression to date of its positive side: the elaboration of a social philosophy incorporating liberal values but free from possessive individualist assumptions. What is defective in the assumptions is less the internal theoretical problems they generate than that they have become historically outmoded. For Macpherson, liberal democracy is historically — even politically — inadequate, before it is theoretically inadequate. It is inadequate for us — now — because it rests on assumptions we no longer need, assumptions that have ceased to be historically progressive. However, liberal democracy is not, as surgeons would say, beyond operation. On Macpherson's view, nearly everything that is attractive in liberal theory can be salvaged. Democratic Theory is appropriately subtitled: Essays in Retrieval.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document