The United States' Greatest Failure - Shaping the International Environment

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johnny R. Wallace
2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Piotr Lewandowski ◽  

The article analyzes the Polish reason of state in changing international order understood as the loss of hegemon position by the United States. The author defines the reason of state as an analytical operant and relates it to the security and sovereignty of a state in the international environment. The text also outlines possibilities of development of Poland's reason of state in the region and global geopolitics.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 311-338
Author(s):  
Yamaguchi Wataru

Previous studies have proposed two different views as to how the beginning of the Second Cold War shaped Japanese diplomacy. This study demonstrates and reinterprets transformations in Japanese diplomacy experienced at that time, examining in particular the perceptions and behaviors of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, based on primary source materials of both Japan and the United States. Japanese diplomacy was slowly transformed as the international environment became harsher. Indeed, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan made the ministry aware of the Soviet threat, and Japan consequently started to increase its defense spending and make use of strategic foreign aid: these transformations might not have been radical, but were enough to cause the United States to perceive Japan more positively on security issues. However, the ministry’s attitude had been changing even before the beginning of the Second Cold War, inspired by jurisdictional disputes in the context of the diversification of security and the public approval of defense policies. The changes enabled the U.S.-Japan alliance to evolve into a much more complex partnership in the 1980s.


2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 33-59
Author(s):  
Marian Mencel

As a consequence of the intensification of nuclear tests and long-range mis-siles, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has become the subject of debates and pressure from the international environment, which is mani-fested by the increasingly stringent sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council, complemented by diplomatic pressures and intensified political influence on Pyongyang by the United States and China. As a result of their application, the relations between the two Korean states were warmed up, and the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, proposed to implement the process of denuclearization of North Korea and a direct meeting with the US President, Donald Trump. Why was there an unprecedented meeting and what are the consequences? How was the meeting perceived by the American regional allies? What is the position of China in connection with the events? What are the prospects for progress in contacts between North Korea and the United States, South Korea, China and Japan? Is it possible to fully denuclearise the Korean Peninsula? An attempt to answer these ques-tions has been made in this article.


Author(s):  
Richard A. Moss ◽  
James USN (Ret.) Stavridis

The changing international environment of the 1960s made it possible to attain détente, a relaxation of tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. Back-channel diplomacy—confidential contacts between the White House and the Kremlin, mainly between National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger and the Soviet ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Dobrynin—transformed that possibility into reality. This book argues that although back-channel diplomacy was useful in improving U.S.-Soviet relations in the short term by acting as a safety valve and giving policy-actors a personal stake in improved relations, it provided a weak foundation for long-term détente. This book traces the evolution of confidential channels during the Nixon administration and examines certain flashpoints in U.S.-Soviet relations, such as the 1970 Cienfuegos crisis, Sino-American rapprochement, and the Indo-Pakistani War in 1971. The U.S. involvement in Vietnam and Moscow’s support for Hanoi remained constant irritants in U.S.-Soviet relations. The back-channel relationships allowed both sides to agree to disagree and paved the way for the Moscow Summit of May 1972. This focused examination of U.S.-Soviet back-channel diplomacy mitigates some of criticisms levied against Nixon and Kissinger in their secretive conduct of diplomacy by showing that back channels were both necessary and an effective instrument of policy. However, back channels worked best when they supplemented rather than replaced more traditional diplomacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (7) ◽  
pp. 66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore Okonkwo

Environmental constitutionalism is a scheme that protects the national and international environment by applying national and global constitutional law. By this, constitution-makers agree to include in their constitutions provisions aimed at environmental protection and sustainability, whereby procedural and substantive rights are written in the constitutions. The courts are in such jurisdictions called upon to enforce and protect such rights. This article addresses constitutionally embedded rights in the national constitutions of the United States of America and Nigeria. It analyzes constitutional environmental provisions in both how their judiciaries respond to such issues. This article looked at the problems associated with environmental constitutionalism in the United States and Nigeria and their connection with environmental rights. The aim is to take a holistic examination of the topic. The methodology adopted for the research is empirical. The primary and secondary sources of material selection were adopted through the use of the law libraries and the internet, books, journals and periodicals to gather information for this article. In conclusion, it was observed and recommended that no matter the similarities shared by the Untied States and Nigeria, the former has a more developed environmental jurisprudence on environmental protection by the courts. This is a truism, notwithstanding the fact that Nigeria’s constitution contains “state environmental duties”. The value of the research is that Nigeria should identify areas to be improved upon in its law and practice of environmental constitutionalism.


Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Mowahid H. Shah

AbstractOn the heels of Andrew Young's departure from the United Nations amid much publicity concerning U»S. failure to involve the Palestinians in Middle East negotiations, heads of state and representatives from ninety-two countries and three independence movements convened at the Sixth Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Nations hosted by Dr. Fidel Castro at Havana, Cuba.The Havana Declaration of September, 1979, adopted by the Non-Aligned Conference—perhaps the most powerful of Third World forums—censured the Camp David accords as a U.S. attempt to “obtain partial solutions that are favorable to Zionist aims and underwrite the gains of Israeli aggression at the expense of the Palestinian people.” In an international environment in which the United States increasingly finds itself in the minority on the majority of world issues, Third World attitudes toward the Camp David accords—of which the Havana Declaration is but the latest evidence—merit serious consideration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
Ayad Rashid Mohammed Al-Karim

The term globalization was commonly used in the last decade of the 20th century, especially at the end of the Cold War, the resulting collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, as well as the absence of ideological competition. Structural changes in the international environment were the opening of political borders and the unilateralization of the United States The United States as a superpower, which led to the reformulation of its policies towards the countries of the world in such a way that devotes the political, economic and cultural subordination of these countries.


Author(s):  
Severino Cabral

The paper aims to analyze the relationship of the United States and Cuba considering the post-Cold War international environment, characterized by the rise of a multipolar order and Chinese influence, and the emergence of the Latin world and other relevant regional actors in a new era of global economy.       


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-32
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shumilin ◽  

The article examines the approach of Turkey and the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance to the problem of noticeably deteriorating relations between them. The process of «undocking» Ankara’s partnership with NATO has been gaining momentum over the past four years, despite the generally friendly relationship between Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan and US President Donald Trump. With the exception of the deal between Turkey and Russia for the supply of the S-400 air defense system, which was sharply criticized by the alliance and primarily the United States, the range of other controversial issues mainly concerned relations between Ankara and the EU countries. D. Trump often used the tension between Ankara and Brussels in pursuing his line («America first») in relations with the EU countries. This could not but weaken the partnership between NATO members as a whole. The author concludes that the June 2021 summit of the alliance, at which the United States was represented by President Joe Biden, marked the beginning of the process of overcoming the differences between Turkey and its NATO allies. The most important impetus in this regard is the renewed concept of the alliance, which defines Russia as an «immediate threat». And this requires the consolidation of NATO ranks through overcoming internal differences. And above all with Turkey. In the first part of the article, the author analyzed the features of relations between Turkey and the United States, as well as Turkey and the European Union during the presidency of D. Trump. The second part will examine relations in the Turkey – US – EU triangle in the new international environment under the influence of the Joe Biden administration.


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