scholarly journals Political party strength and electoral violence

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanne Fjelde

Existing research on the causes of electoral violence has focused on structural determinants and election-specific characteristics but has paid less attention to the role of political agents that contest elections. This study addresses this gap by examining the relationship between the organizational strength of political parties and the risk of electoral violence. The study argues that strong political parties enhance the prospect for peaceful electoral dynamics for two reasons. First, having strong party organizations reduce incentives for violent electoral manipulation because these organizations enable more cost-efficient ways to mobilize voters. Second, strong party organizations constrain political actors from deploying electoral violence, both at the leadership and grassroot levels. The relationship between political party strength and electoral violence is studied by combining global data on the overall strength of political parties in the polity with data on violence across all national elections from 1946 to 2010. The statistical analysis accounts for a number of potentially confounding variables related to formal political institutions and election-specific characteristics. The results point to a statistically significant and substantively important association between strong political parties and a reduced risk of violent electoral conflict.

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
T. Beydina ◽  
◽  
N. Zimina ◽  
A. Novikova ◽  
◽  
...  

Political parties today are important elements of the regional political process. Parties, along with other political institutions, participate in the implementation of state policy within the region. The practice of recent years shows a negative trend in the creation of political parties, but those parties that are already registered and are actively fighting for political power at all stages of the Russian elections. Political parties participate in the regional political process to embrace the advantages of the political party space. These advantages are due to both objective factors (territorial potential, the economy of the region) and subjective reasons (personal factors associated with the rating of the leader, both the governor and the party coordinator, the nature of his acquaintance with the central financial department, and more). The study of the organization of power in the regions allows us to talk about its various modifications due to these factors. Political parties are a political institution, they represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in today’s political situation fully personify the needs of the regions and represent them at elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of the regional government


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Iswandi Iswadi

  The ideology contestation is basically a classic polemic, where after independence the ideology of Islam was confronted with nationalism and took root until now (reform). However, the momentum of the 2019 election political contestation was again marked by the struggle of ideology namely ideology of Islamism and nationalism. The polemic began with the emergence of religious issues that were raised on the surface of political actors as a hegemony in taking the sympathy of voters. The existence of religion as a central issue began in 2016-2017 related to the prosecution of Ahok who insulted religious values ​​(Islam), and among the political parties involved in the demonstrations namely PPP, PKS, PBB, and PKB. In that momentum the beginning of the revival of Islamic ideology as the power in defending Islamic sovereignty. Judging from the ideology of political parties in Indonesia in the 2019 election political contestation, the ideology of political parties based on the statutes and bylaws (AD / ART) that the ideology applied can be classified into three parts namely ideology Nationalism, Islamism, and Nationalist-Religious, and the three ideologies. This can be proven based on the results of a survey from Australia 2017-2018 based on the voters. However, political parties based on multiple ideologies, PAN, PKB and Democrats, each have priority orientation. PAN and PKB tend to polarize the values ​​of Islamism (religious), while Democrats are more dominated by nationalist issues. The concept of Islamic political ideology, in the context of political contestation in political party elections, is basically a necessity to implement the values ​​of ri'ayah, taqwin, irshad and ta'dib through political education, or campaign in elections to achieve mutual benefit, both parties whose ideology Islamism, nationalism and nationalist-religious, so as to build the moralistic side of society, and intelligence in responding to the issues that exist in the election apart from that, political parties in confronting political contestation the emphasis of the movement must reflect the value of poverty, the three ideologies have been packaged in the values ​​of Pancasila in the third principles of Indonesian unity.         Asbtak Kontestasi ideology pada dasarnya polemik klasik, dimana pasca kemerdekaan ideologi islam dihadapkan dengan nasionalisme dan mengakar sampai sampai saat ini (reformasi). Akan tetapi momentum pemilu 2019 kontestasi politik kembali diwarnai pergulatan ideology yakni ideology islamisme dan nasionalisme. Polemik tersebut berawal dengan mencuatnya isu keagamaan yang dimunculkan dipermukaan pelaku politik sebagai hegemoni dalam mengambil simpati  pemilih. Eksistensi agama sebagai sentral isu berawal tahun 2016-2017 terkait penuntutan terhadap ahok yang melecehkan nilai-nilai agama (islam), dan diantara partai politik yang terlibat dalam demonstrasi yakni PPP, PKS, PBB, dan PKB. Dalam momentum tersebut awal mencuatnya kembali ideologi islam sebagai of the power dalam mempertahan kedaulatan Islam. Menilik ideologis partai politik di Indonesia pada konstestasi politik pemilu 2019, ideology partai politik berdasarkan anggaran dasar dan anggaran rumah tangga (AD/ART) bahwa ideologi yang diterapkan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi tiga bagian yakni ideology Nasionalisme, Islamisme, dan Nasionalis-Religius, dan ketiga ideology tersebut dapat dibuktikan dengan berdasarkan hasil survey dari asutralia 2017-2018 berdasarkan pemilih. Namun demikian partai poltik yang berasaskan ideologi ganda, PAN, PKB dan Demokrat, masing-masing memiliki kiblat prioritas. PAN dan PKB condong polarisasi nilai-nilai islamisme (religious), sedangkan Demokrat lebih didominasi oleh isu-isu nasionalis. Konsep ideology politik islam, dalam konsteks kontestasi politik dalam pemilu partai politik pada dasarnya sebuah keharusan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai ri’ayah, taqwin, irsyad dan ta’dib melalui pendidikan politik, ataupun kampanye dalam pemilu guna mencapai kemaslahatan bersama, baik partai yang berideologi islamisme, nasionalisme dan nasionalis-religius, sehingga terbangun sisi moralistik masyarakat, dan kecerdasan dalam menanggapi isu-isu yang ada dalam pemilu. selain dari itu partai politik dalam menghadapi konstestasi politik penekanan gerakannya harus mencermikan nilai kemaslahan, ketiga ideology tersebut telah kemas dalam nilai-nilai pancasila pada sila ketiga persatuan Indonesia. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasma

Resume tentang partai politik dan pemilihan umum)A.Partai politik dan sistem kepartaianPartai politik berasal dari kata yunani,yakni ‘’pars’’ yang artinya ’’ bagian’’ atau ‘’bagian darikeseluruhan’’ .karena itu partai politik adalah perkumpulan orang-orang yangseazas,sehaluan dan setujuan yang berihtiar untuk memenagkan dan mencapai cita-citapolitik dan sosial mereka secara bersama-sama.Basis sosiologi parpol adalah pada dua hal,yakni: ideologi dan kepentingan yang diarahkanpada usaha-usaha untuk memperoleh kekuasaan.tanpa kedua elemen ini maka parpol tidakakan mampu mengidentifikasi dirinya dengan para penduduknya.Peran penting parpol disamping untuk membentuk struktur sistem pemerintahan yang dianutoleh suatu negara juga untuk membentuk sistem formasi dan kontelasi politik diparlemen.keduannya dilakukan melalui mekanisme pilihan umum(pemilu)yang mengandungasas dan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi secara universal.pengertian dari partai politik yang dikemukan oleh para ahli:-miriam budiadjo menyebutkan bahwa partai politik adalah suatu kelompok yang terogrnisiryang anggota-anggotanya memiliki orientasi,nilai-nilai dan cita-cita yag sama.tujuankelompok ini ialah untuk memperoleh kekuasaan politik dan merebut kedudukanpolitik,biasanya dengan cara konstitusional,untuk melaksanakan kebijakan-kebijakanmereka-Sigmund neumann dalam modern political parties mengemukakan definisi sebagai berikut:a political party is the articulate organization of society ‘s active political agents,those whoare concerned with the control of government power and who compete for popular supportwith another group or groups holdinng divergent views(partai politik adalah organisasi dariaktivis-aktivis politik yang berusaha untuk menguasai kekuasaan pemerintahan sertamerebut dukungan rakyat atas dasar persaingan dengan suatu golongan ataugolongan-golongan lain yang mempunyai pandangan yang berbeda)-carl j.friedrich :A political party is a group of human beings,stably organized with theobjective of securing or maintaining for its leaders the control of a government,with thefurther objective of giving to members of the party,through such control ideal and materialbenefits and adventages(partai politik adalah sekelompok manusia yang teroganisir secarastabil dengan tujuan merebut atau mempertahankan kekuasaan terhadap pemerintahanbagi pimpinan partainya dan berdasarkan penguasaan ini memberikan kepada anggotapartainya kemanfaatan yang bdrsifat ideal maupun materiil.-r.h soltau mendefinisikan mengenai partai politik adalah a group of citizens more or lessorganised,who act as a political unit and who by the use of their voting power,aim to controlthe government and carry out their general policies.(sekelompok warga kurang lebihterorganisir ,yang bertindak sebagai unit politik dengan menggunakan hak suaramereka,bertujuan untuk mengontrol pemerintah dan melaksanakan kebijakan umummereka)-robert k.carr:political party isn an organization that attemps to achieve and maintain control


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Eka Adhi Wibowo

This study aims to explore the relationship between the accountability of political parties and the electability of political parties. Political parties are public institutions that should accountable for public funds they use in order to be a means of aspiration for society in politics and government. The accountability variables used in this study are political party compliance with regulation of election campaign fund reporting and the amount of campaign fund, while electability is measured by vote acquisition during the election. The exploration of the relationship will provide an overview of party accountability and public understanding of accountability that is a requirement for the realization of good governance.Keywords: accountability, electability, political parties, compliance audits, campaign funds ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan eksplorasi mengenai hubungan antara akuntabilitas partai politik dengan elektabilitas partai politik. Partai politik adalah lembaga publik yang seharusnya memberikan pertanggungjawaban atas dana publik yang mereka gunakan dalam rangka menjadi sarana aspirasi bagi masyarakat dalam hal politik dan pemerintahan. Variabel akuntabilitas yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kepatuhan partai politik atas regulasi pelaporan dana kampanye pemilu dan besaran dana kampanye, sedangkan elektabilitas diukur dengan perolehan suara selama pemilu. Eksplorasi hubungan tersebut akan memberikan gambaran mengenai akuntabilitas partai dan pemahaman masyarakat mengenai akuntabilitas yang merupakan syarat perwujudan good governance.Kata kunci: akuntabilitas, elektabilitas, partai politik, audit kepatuhan, dana kampanye


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-192
Author(s):  
R. Saravana Raja

This article presents an understanding of the nature of Vanniyar politics by delineating the workings of Vanniyar organizations such as the caste associations and the political party in the post-1980s period in Tamil Nadu. Even though scholarship on caste and politics is concerned with the relationship between caste associations and political parties, the interface and networking between and among these organizations, particularly of a political party that has emerged out of the caste movement, need much more attention. This article, therefore, maps the interrelations between the caste associations and the political party within the Vanniyars’ politics by outlining the specific issues on which these Vanniyar organizations work.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09008
Author(s):  
Hidayat Sardini Nur ◽  
Fitriyah

This research tries to highlight the phenomena of “an empty box” and society resistance to oligharchy formation in the regional election of Pati in 2017. Its aims are to find out the underlying factors, and other factors trigerring the existence of “an empty box” and society resistence. This research is qualitative with a case study method. The data was gained by interviewing informants deeply, and collecting secondary data. The results of research show that there are various models of general election with a single candidate, and various local society resistence to political oligarchy practices and formation also appear. Further, the weaknesses of political party recruitment as the sources of leadership and the greed of political elites are also revealed. Knowing the findings, a good arrangement to improve the function of political parties should be done. Then, for the future research the roles of oligarchy in regions as one of ways to control local political actors can be studied.


1985 ◽  
Vol 79 (4) ◽  
pp. 1152-1169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Schlesinger

To understand changes taking place within political parties we must work from a realistic theory, one that accepts these parties as office-seeking coalitions. On that premise I lay out three interacting sets of variables: 1) The structure of political opportunities, or the rules for office seeking and the ways they are treated, and 2) the party system, or the competitive relations among parties, define the expectations of politicians, and thus lead them to create 3) party organizations, or the collective efforts to gain and retain office. Hypotheses derived from the relations among these variables allow us to examine changes in American parties in the twentieth century. They explain why the Progressive era reforms, in tandem with the post-1896 party system, produced an uneven distribution of party organization and weak linkages among candidates and officeholders. The same theory also explains why changes taking place since the 1950s are producing greater organizational effort and stronger partisan links among candidates and officeholders.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimír Naxera

Abstract This paper is focused on the issue of corruption perception in the Czech Republic. After introducing the general framework for corruption perception in post-communist countries, this paper uses the Czech Republic as an example of the ways in which corruption is perceived, the areas Czech citizens feel are most plagued by corruption, and the ways in which corruption perception has transformed in terms of post-communist developments. This paper points out the differences in corruption perception among Czech citizens, the media and political parties and their representatives. The conclusion of the paper attempts to answer the question of how corruption perception has affected the overall perception of the democratic regime in the Czech Republic. It also asks questions regarding how this has influenced the evaluation of democracy and the relationship between Czech citizens and political institutions, including individual political parties.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 143-160
Author(s):  
Marta Bodys

Communication of the leaders of Polish political parties in social media during the full election cycle 2014–2015This paper presents the results of research on the communication of relevant leaders in the years 2014–2015, during the campaign period before the four elections: to the European Parliament, local, parliamentary and presidential. Quantitative and qualitative research deals with the communication of Jaroslaw Kaczynski, Donald Tusk, Ewa Kopacz, Janusz Piechocinski, Leszek Miller, Janusz Korwin-Mikke, Ryszard Petru and Paweł Kukiz. The analysis is mainly focused on communication of party leaders on Facebook and Twitter. The research described in this article is not only a political party leader’s communication analysis but also a comparative material for further research into political actors’ communication.


2011 ◽  
pp. 259-268
Author(s):  
Svetozar Ciplic

In this paper an attempt has been made to present one of the most prominent contradictions of the contemporary parliamentarianism in states which have a proportional voting system. This contradiction stems from the three-fold relationship between: a voter, a member of parliament (MP) and a political party from whose electoral list the MP is elected. On the one hand, a person does not have the possibility to be elected in the parliament if acting independently, outside the political party and its party mechanisms and logistical capacities. On the other hand, after being appointed the parliamentary term as a result of the party's will, the person attains the freedom, through their free term of office, to distance themselves from their political party, and even to leave it and join another political option. The paper also shows that this phenomenon significantly affects and deforms the principle of citizens' sovereignty, given that it is the political parties which have the major impact on the voters' sovereign will expressed at the elections. .


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