scholarly journals Old Bolshevik A. G. Vasiliev at the Origins of the Political Departments of the Red Army, the Military Division of the Central Committee of the RCP(b)’s Secretariat, and the Soviet Military Counterintelligence

2016 ◽  
pp. 108-123
Author(s):  
S. S. Voytikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
The Political ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Military

scholarly journals World War II in modern interpretations of Russian and Polish politicians

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
World War ◽  
Red Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.

scholarly journals SOVIET MILITARY PERIODICAL PRESS DURING THE RED ARMY’S CAMPAIGN IN EUROPE, MARCH 1944 – MAY 1945: STRUCTURE, NORMS, AND PERSONNEL

2020 ◽  
pp. 100-108
Author(s):  
A. G. Arinov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Editorial Boards ◽  
Russian State ◽  
War Correspondents ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Civilian Employees ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

The case of the Soviet military periodicals during the Red Army's campaign in Europe (March 1944 – May 1945) is analyzed in the paper based on the materials from the Central Archives of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation (TsAMO RF) and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI). The author analyzes the structure of military periodicals, characterizes the norms established by the Main Political Directorate of the Red Army (GlavPURKKA) regulating the work of military periodicals, and traces the relationship between editorial boards and war correspondents. It is stated that the editorial boards of military periodicals consisted, as a rule, of 27 employees: 19 military personnel and 8 civilian employees. GlavPURKKA controlled the military periodical press. The circulation of military newspapers was determined by the orders of the chief of GlavPURKKA and was repeatedly increased or reduced. The content was controlled by the political administrations of the fronts. GlavPURKKA regulated the main directions of newspapers’ development and revealed shortcomings in the work of editorial boards. Constant supervision by GlavPURKKA and political administrations of the fronts protruded “relations” between editorial boards and war correspondents. The political administrations urged the editorial boards to establish a comprehensive contact with war correspondents and to eliminate the existing shortcomings in working with them. On the whole, the institute of military periodicals was a rather complex “organism” that underwent various changes and improvements throughout the period.

scholarly journals Peculiarities of Professional Media Education in 1920s: Methods of Training Military Correspondents (On the Example of the Magazine “Education and Upbringing”, 1924–1926)

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 74-84
Author(s):  
E. V. Evdokimova
Keyword(s):  
Media Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Educational Approach ◽  
Educational Work ◽  
Information Functions ◽  
Red Army ◽  
New Type ◽  
Media Platform ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Military

The studies of the specialized military-political publications of the 1920s usually consider only approaches to organizing the political and educational work of commanders with personnel. Filling the gap, this article focuses on the media educational approach to the analysis of print media that examines the activities of newspapers and magazines as a kind of media platform for the training of regional workers and village correspondents (rabsel'cors), and military correspondents (voencors).The article reveals the main methods of training military correspondents by the specialized magazine “Education and upbringing”. Voencors were supposed to participate in creating a mass press, perform information functions and be propagandists, agitators, and organizers of the movement of military correspondents.Based on the analysis of the journal publications the author identifies the main approaches to rabsel'cors and voencors’ training: the introduction of special headings that attracted the Red Army soldiers to read periodicals and create wall newspapers; recommendations for establishing connections between military correspondents and village correspondents; publication of articles by the main authors of the journal on the organization of wall newspapers; analysis of military correspondents’ publications; responses to letters from readers.As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that the military-political magazine “Education and upbringing” should be considered not only as a means of ideologically educating the serviceman of a new type but as a necessary guide for novice correspondents of specialized and universal media.

scholarly journals Documents of the Moscow Central State Archive as a Source on the History of Party and Military Institutions of Soviet Russia During the Civil War

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
S. S. Voytikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Central State ◽  
Eastern Front ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Military Institutions ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The Military

The article analyzes the valuable corpus of sources of party and military institutions of Soviet Russia during the Civil War. During the Soviet period, documents of the (then) Moscow Party Archive were actively introduced into scholarly circulation, revealing mainly the activities of the Moscow Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on communist mobilizations, and primarily regarding the Eastern front in 1918 and the Petrograd front in 1919. At the same time, a whole layer of materials from the archive’s collections remained mostly unclaimed. The Moscow Party Archive retains documents on the organization and activities of the Communist faction of the People’s Commissariat for Military Affairs, which together with the documents of Russian State Military Archive allow a comprehensive study of the process of “communization” of the military apparatus in 1917 and subsequent years. The specified sources, in particular, make it possible to answer the question about the reasons for the establishment in 1919 of the Red Army Political Department as a department of the Central Committee of the RCP(b). Reports of old Bolsheviks to the Moscow Committee of the RCP(b) and the Mossoviet of 1918 contain valuable information about the use of military specialists by the Bolshevik regime, the contribution to the Soviet military construction of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, the liquidation of the rebellion of the Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Front M. A. Murav’yov, the causes of loss of the nascent Red Army of Kazan, and other issues.

Archival Investigatory Record of the Chief of the Political Directorate for the Central Asian Military District, Brigade Commissar N. P. Katerukhin as a Source for Studying the Phenomenon of Mass Political Repression of the Red Army Commanders in 1937-1938

2018 ◽  
pp. 1038-1058
Author(s):  
Vladimir S. Mulbakh ◽  
◽  
Larisa V. Zandanova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Military Justice ◽  
Difficult Time ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Red Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

The article studies mass political repression in the USSR in 1937-1940s to offer an unbiased reconstruction of the process and to retrieve the historical experience at current stage of democratic transformations in the country. The article is devoted to one of the repressed Red Army command officers, head of the Political Directorate for the Central Asian Military District, Brigadier N. P. Katerukhin, participant in the First World and Civil Wars. It follows the fate of Katerukhin, who was awarded a rank of ‘Brigade Commissar’ in April 1938. The article focuses on the events of the second half of 1930s in the Central Asian Military District: mechanics of the NKVD investigation, operations and activities of commanders, political agencies, and military justice. Despite his honorable service, energy, initiative, and diligence at a difficult time of political strife, Katerukhin was under suspicion of the relevant authorities. Information on ‘sabotage activities’ of the secretary of the district party commission N. P. Katerukhin kept coming from ex-director of the military pedagogical faculty of the N. G. Tolmachev Military Political Academy M. G. Fradlin to the supreme bodies of the party since January 1937. The authors have studied N. P. Katerukhin’s archival investigatory record to show the nature of the NKVD activities at the time of contraction of mass political repression. The most important evidence against N. P. Katerukhin was ‘confessions’ of Division Commissar V. K. Kontstantinov, who in 1936 promoted Katerukhin’s assignment to the post of director of the district party commission. Kontstantinov admitted under questioning to participation in a counter-revolutionary organization and revealed that he enlisted Katerukhin to the said anti-Soviet organization. By then the investigators had testimonies that at the time of political purges N. P. Katerukhin had expelled blameless members and reinstated enemy elements. The materials of the archival investigatory record are being introduced into scientific use for the first time. Of particular value are the interrogation reports, which contain valuable materials on the military and political history of our country. All this bespeaks the importance of studying archival investigatory files as a source on history of mass political repression in the Red Army.

scholarly journals SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE OF WORKERS AND EMPLOYEES OF DEFENSE INDUSTRY IN WESTERN SIBERIA DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR

2017 ◽  
pp. 95-103
Author(s):  
I. M. Sawicky
Keyword(s):  
Western Siberia ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
The Social ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Local Party

The article considers the socio-political life of the workers and employees of the military-industrial complex in Western Siberia, which is one of three such complexes  in  the  USSR  that  supplied  the  Red  Army  with  military  equipment and ammunition. It was established that the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (CPSU (b), giving great attention to the regions of their location, in the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee  added  some  new  structural  units,  whose  influence  embraced  all  aspects of socio-political life of the workers and employees in these regions. Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee promptly controlled and supervised the work of local Party and Soviet bodies, organizations and institutions in this direction.The major focus is on the study of the activities of the Soviet Information Bureau (Sovinformbureau), press, radio, cinema, lecturers, propagandists and agitators, who informed the workers and employees about the most important events at the front and in the rear, formed the social and political attitudes. It was found that the greatest role was played by outstanding artists, theatrical, musical and artistic intelligentsia who, through their presentations, shows and performances of the anti-fascist orientation raising the spiritual forces of workers, engineers and technicians, inspired people to labor feats. Through the combination of these events, organized by the central and local Party authorities, the government and local executive authorities shaped social and political consciousness, patriotism of workers, engineers and technicians, to forge the weapon of victory over fascism. 

Red Army Opposition to Forced Collectivization, 1929-1930: The Army Wavers

Slavic Review ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger R. Reese
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Policy ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
General Line ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Rapid Industrialization ◽  
Party Central Committee

Some years ago, in his biography of Nikolai Bukharin, Stephen Cohen postulated that there was a reservoir of latent support in the Party's rural and urban cadres for Bukharin's moderate alternative to Stalin's rapid industrialization and the forced collectivization of agriculture of the first five-year plan. Cohen did not suspect that potential support for Bukharin and his policies of gradual industrialization and retention of private farming also existed in the Red Army's company and battalion party cells, as well as among some regimental leadership of the political administration of the Red Army (PUR). At first glance, Cohen's seems to have been a natural omission; after all, the army, with its hierarchy of commissars and political officers (politruki) ostensibly dedicated to the general line of the Party, appeared obedient and loyal to the dictates of the party Central Committee. PUR showed apparently little interest in the struggle between Stalin and Bukharin over future industrial policy.

Stalin and the Making of a New Elite, 1928-1939

Slavic Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila Fitzpatrick
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Political Hierarchy ◽  
One Step ◽  
Step Down ◽  
The Military

“Cadres decide everything,” Stalin proclaimed in 1935. The slogan is familiar, as is the image of Stalin as a politician skilled in the selection and deployment of personnel. But who were his cadres? The literature on the prewar Stalin period tells us little even about his closest political associates, let alone those one step down the political hierarchy—Central Committee members, people's commissars and their deputies, obkom secretaries—or in key industrial posts. Only the Old Bolsheviks and the military leaders seem to emerge as individuals. The rest are relegated to that servile and faceless bureaucracy about which Trotsky wrote from afar. Their very anonymity (which might also be described as our —and Trotsky's—ignorance) has become part of a sociological generalization.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

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