scholarly journals A EDUCAÇÃO EM DIREITOS HUMANOS COMO MEIO PARA FORMAÇÃO DO POVO PARTICIPATIVO E DO SUJEITO CRÍTICO

Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (29) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Victor José Amoroso de LIMA ◽  
Teófilo Marcelo de Arêa LEÃO JÚNIOR

RESUMOObjetivo do presente é estudar a Educação em Direitos Humanos e verificar se poderia ser resolução do seguinte problema: “de qual maneira se poderia obter um Estado onde haja uma verdadeira democracia participativa, e não somente representação desligada do povo que supostamente se representa?.” A metodologia foi dedutiva, com procedimento bibliográfico, partindo da ideia de Müller (2009) e de Paulo Freire (2001), e das suas exigências para povo e homem que verdadeiramente sejam ativos e representantes de si mesmos, perante os desmandos estatais, até a exposição de um processo educacional que acate essas exigências. A justificativa vem da aparente obscuridade do termo “povo” nos artigos da Carta Magna brasileira que serve de legitimação para o poder estatal, e da afirmativa que o país seria democrático, mas ao mesmo tempo não se vê representatividade do todo nas decisões estatais, portanto tem-se que estudar se algum processo poderia resultar em indivíduos que verdadeiramente integrem um Estado Democrático. A conclusão foi que a Educação em Direitos Humanos pode responder aos anseios dos dois autores referidos, criando sujeitos críticos e povo participativo, o que resultaria na democracia real. PALAVRAS-CHAVES: Educação; Educação em Direitos Humanos; Democracia. ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to study Human Rights Education and to verify if it could solve the following problem: "in what way could a state be obtained where there is a true participatory democracy, and not only representation detached from the people supposedly represented?" The methodology was deductive, with a bibliographical procedure, based on the idea of Müller (2009) and Paulo Freire (2001), and its demands for people and men who are truly active and self-representatives, in the face of state educational process that meets these requirements. The justification comes from the apparent obscurity of the term "people" in the articles of the Brazilian Constitution that legitimizes state power, and affirms that the country would be democratic, but at the same time it does not see representativeness at all in state decisions. one has to study whether any process could result in individuals who truly comprise a Democratic State. The conclusion was that Human Rights Education can respond to the aspirations of the two authors mentioned, creating critical subjects and participatory people, which would result in real democracy.KEYWORDS: Education; Education in Human Rights; Democracy. 

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Everaldo FERNANDES ◽  
Celma TAVARES

O presente estudo objetiva estabelecer um diálogo aproximativo entre a epistemologia dos saberes populares, os saberes tradicionais indígenas e a educação em Direitos Humanos. Nesse diálogo situamos as especificidades, os nuances e organização própria de cada modo aprendente/ensinante na tentativa de perceber o que há de latente nos conteúdos e perspectivas dos Direitos Humanos nas respectivas leituras de mundo e da palavra. Nessa compreensão, estabelecemos o diálogo entre essas leituras de mundo das tradições popular e indígena (indígenas de Pernambuco), evidenciando os valores axiológicos tradicionais, e o que eles anunciam e denunciam das formalidades ideologizadas acerca da declaração dos Direitos Humanos. Nessa direção, esse diálogo contribui com as possíveis revisões dos conteúdos e formas das vivências da educação em Direitos Humanos. Para tanto, servimo-nos da abordagem das Epistemologias do Sul, sobremaneira, das contribuições de Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Paulo Freire, Ivone Gebara, Saberes do Povo Kambiwá, Susana Sacavino e Ana Maria Rodino. Concluímos que esse diálogo muito enriquece não só as discussões da educação em Direitos Humanos, mas também amplia o exercício das leituras Interculturais na perspectiva ético-política. Saberes Populares. Saberes Indígenas. Educação em Direitos Humanos. Peoples’ and Indigenous’ knowledge and their affirmative fights: a perspective of Education in Human Rights ABSTRACT The present study aims to establish a closer dialogue between the epistemology of the people knowledge, the traditional indigenous knowledge and the Human Rights education. In this dialogue, we set the specificities, the nuances and proper organization of each manner of learning/teaching in the attempt of realizing what is latent in the contents and perspectives of Human Rights in the respective reading the world and the word. In this comprehension, we establish the dialogue between these readings of world of the people’s and indigenous’ traditions (indigenous of Pernambuco), pointing the axiological traditional values and what they announce and denounce in the ideologized formalities about the Human Rights declaration. In this direction, this dialogue contributes with the possible contents revision and means of the experiences of education in Human Rights. Therefore, we serve of the South Epistemologies approach, especially, in the contributions of Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Paulo Freire, Ivone Gebara, the knowledge of the Kambiwá People, Susana Sacavino and Ana Maria Rodino. Concluding that this dialogue enriches not only the discussions about education in Human Rights, but also extends the exercise of intercultural readings in the ethic-political perspective. Peoples’ Knowledge. Indigenous Knowledge. Human Rights Education.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Koh

AbstractIn the drama of negotiation of state boundaries, the role of local administrators as mediators is indispensable. They mediate between state demands for more discipline and societal demands for more liberties. Their ability and willingness to enforce determines the extent of state power. They are a particular type of elites chosen by the state to administer; yet often they have an irrational and morally corrupt relationship with their subjects. The questions that arise then are: When do the local administrators decide to or not to enforce the rules? What considerations do they hold in the face of contradicting demands for their loyalties? This paper seeks answers to the above questions by examining state enforcement of its construction rules in Hanoi after 1975, in which the ward, a level of local administrators in the urban administration landscape, plays an important role in holding up (or letting down) the fences. I will examine the irrationality of the housing regime that led to widespread offences against construction rules, and then show why and how local administrators may or may not enforce rules. This paper comprises two parts. The first part outlines the nature and history of the housing regime in Vietnam and the situation of state provision of housing to the people. These provide the context in which illegal construction arises. Part Two looks at illegal construction in Hanoi chronologically, and focuses on important episodes. The theme that runs through this paper is the role of local administrators in the reality of illegal construction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 85-90
Author(s):  
Elmira Qazvinova ◽  

The Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan reflects all the basic principles that characterize a democratic state system. The fundamental law of our country states that the only source of power is the people, and also that the Republic of Azerbaijan is a democratic and legal state, and state power is based on the principle of separation of powers. It is gratifying to note that in addition to political rights, such as the right to elections and referendum, citizens have other opportunities to participate in the exercise of state power, one of which is the right of legislative initiative of citizens.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts

This chapter focuses on state leaders and their goals. Within every state is a group of people who have a large degree of control over the way state power is exercised. They directly influence decisions about how goals are prioritized and pursued and ways in which institutions are constructed or renovated so that these decisions can be realized. These are the people who need advice on macro-level questions of public administration—that is, on big questions relating to the architecture of the state. These people can be called leaders or rulers. It is possible to describe, in general terms, the set of goals that leaders pursue. There is little doubt that survival in office should be counted within this set of likely goals. A second goal is to increase the power and legitimacy of state institutions within the territory claimed by the state. A third goal is the extension of power and legitimacy within the state system. A fourth goal is the increase of national prosperity. A fifth possible goal for leaders is the advancement of human rights.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saïla Ouald Chaib ◽  
Saïla Ouald Chaib ◽  
Eva Brems

Abstract The French and Belgian bans on face veils in public places have been subjected to strong substantive human rights critiques. This article takes a complementary approach, examining the bans from the perspective of procedural fairness. Indeed, the French and Belgian bans are extreme examples of legislative processes taking place above the heads of the people concerned, neglecting the ban’s possible human rights impact. After exploring what the social psychology notion of procedural fairness entails for the judiciary and the legislator, especially in a multicultural context, this article details procedural fairness shortcomings with respect to the face veil ban in France and Belgium. Subsequently, the article sets out how the European Court of Human Rights might compensate for these shortcomings.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
O.T. Abia ◽  
Nneka Sophie Amalu ◽  
Chrisantus K. Ariche

Discrimination and caste systems are rife in every society. In Igboland, the Osu caste system is a form of discriminatory practise where the Igbo society is divided into the Diala and Osu. The problem is that this divide comes with human rights restrictions and violations on the part of the Osu which go unreported and unaddressed at both national and international discourses. Literature on the Osu caste system has majorly focused on various aspects with little attention paid to the human rights dimension of the Osu caste system. Thus, this paper seeks to examine the Osu caste system within the human rights prism. The natural rights theory of John Locke is used as framework of analysis. Findings reveal that the people call Osu face all forms of discrimination and violations of their fundamental human rights. Education and psychological counselling, among other factors were recommended in order to eliminate the caste system. Also, religious bodies as well as the social media can play a vital role in the campaign against the Osu caste system.


Al'Adalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Muhamad Farhan

is one of the countries that embraces the system of democratic government. In a democratic state the people have sovereignty, this is done to ascertain who deserves to be a leader. The Party is an organization that represents the people and means of public participation to participate. Electoral parties compete for leadership seats (power) by strategizing to win them. Elections (elections) is the process of electing people to fill positions within government. The positions are diverse, ranging from the President, People's Representatives at various levels of government, to the Village Head. Elections as a means to participate in the people persuasively (not forced) to the government, so as to realize the principles of democracy in the implementation. Election is a means for political parties to place their cadres in strategic positions in government either executive (President, Governor, Regent, Mayor, etc.) or legislative (Regency, Provincial and Central DPRD) to seize power, not to mention Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) Jember district in the face of elections East Java area. various pilitical communication strategies are used to hook as many constituens for the achievment of goals. The formulation of the problem in this Thesis is: How is the communication strategy of the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the election of General Head of Region (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018. The purpose of this research is to describe the communication strategy used by the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the elections of Regional Head (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018 to get the constituents from Jember society which is quite diverse. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. With data collection method of observation and documentation. The research concludes that the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency divides its political communication strategy according to age ie political communication among young people and political communication among parents. Political communication among youth is done through the program of open together, coffee with PKB Jember, and halal bihalal. Whereas political communication among parents is implemented through the program of maintaining and maintaining the intensity of communication with leaders of both structural figures such as senior officials of an institution or mass organization or culture such as public figure.


Author(s):  
Saskya Miranda Lopes

ResumoNa última década o governo brasileiro impulsionou políticas públicas e a construção de um conjunto de leis quanto aos direitos humanos e a educação em direitos humanos. Partindo da importância destas iniciativas, diante do colonialismo, racismo e patriarcado, que marcam a história de formação da sociedade brasileira, o presente ensaio se ancora em um referencial feminista descolonial e interseccional de raça, gênero e classe para descrever os avanços quanto à educação em direitos humanos, particularmente quanto aos direitos das mulheres, negras e negros e LGBTQ, no país. Ao mesmo tempo, denuncia as propostas legislativas que se disseminam atualmente pelo país e representam um retrocesso para a conquista da educação em direitos humanos.Palavras-chave: Educação. Direitos Humanos. Gênero. Feminismo. Interseccionalidade.Intersectionality of race and gender in Brazilian schools and the bills silencersAbstractIn the last decade, the Brazilian government has promoted public policies and the construction of a set of laws on human rights and human rights education. Based on the importance of these initiatives, in the face of colonialism, racism and patriarchy, which mark the history of the formation of Brazilian society, the present essay is anchored in a decolonial and intersectional feminist referential of race, gender and class to describe advances in human rights education, particularly regarding the rights of women, men and women black and LGBTQ, in the country. At the same time, denounce the legislative proposals that are currently disseminated throughout the country and they represent a setback for the achievement of human rights education.Keywords: Education. Human Rights. Gender. Feminism. Intersectionality.Interseccionalidad de raza y género en las escuelas brasileñas y los proyectos de ley silenciadoresResumenEn la última década el gobierno brasileño impulsó políticas públicas y la construcción de un conjunto de leyes en cuanto a los derechos humanos y la educación en derechos humanos. El presente ensayo se ancla en un referencial feminista descolonial e interseccional de raza, género y clase para describir los avances en cuanto a la educación en la educación en la educación derechos humanos, particularmente en cuanto a los derechos de las mujeres, negras y negros y LGBTQ, en el país. Al mismo tiempo, denuncia las propuestas legislativas que se diseminan actualmente por el país y representan un retroceso para la conquista de la educación en derechos humanos.Palabras clave: Educación. Derechos Humanos. Género. Feminismo. Interseccionalidad.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Jerome

Human rights education (HRE) seeks to provide young people with an optimistic sense that we can work towards a more peaceful and socially just world, and that everyone can do something to contribute to securing improvement. But, whilst the academic literature and policy documents frequently position teachers as crucial to promoting human rights and social justice, the literature is also replete with examples of teachers’ conservatism, their compliance in the face of authority and their ignorance. In addition, teachers work in institutions which routinely reproduce inequality and promote a narrow individualistic form of competition. This article explores some of the international research literature relating to the role of the teacher in HRE specifically, and more generally in the related fields of citizenship education and social studies, in order to offer some conceptual tools that might be used to critically interrogate practitioners’ own beliefs and actions.    


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asep Syarifuddin Hidayat

Abstract.Restoring the face of Indonesian Democracy is complicated.Long phases in any case are needed until the real of Indonesian democracy is obtained. Constitutional amendments were also carried out to restore the meaning of democracy to achieve the benefits of democracy itself. As a result of the constitution being considered sacred and cannot be touched by the idea of change during the New Order, amendments became the only unavoidable alternative. The amendments were undergone in an effort to touch on the elements that are considered as the joint foundation of the establishment of democracy in this country. The things done in the amendments also relate to strengthening the contents of the institution which is the mandate of the constitution. Legislative construction is considered as the base of the joint which is the estuary of the concept of pure democracy. The addition of the DPD organs as a new institution in the Indonesian constitutional legislative structure is part of an effort to restore democracy in Indonesia. Therefore this construction effort has an impact on the opening of access to democracy so that it is no longer distant from the people, guaranteed individual and group freedom, upholding human rights, and opening the space for freedom for the press.Keywords: Construction, Legislative Institution, Indonesian DemocracyAbstrak.Melakukan restorasi wajah Demokrasi Indonesia tidaklah mudah. Setidaknya dibutuhkan fase-fase yang panjang hingga akhirnya didapatkan demokrasi Indonesia yang sesungguhnya. Amandemen konstitusi pun dilakukan untuk mengembalikan makna demokrasi guna mencapai manfaat dari demokrasi itu sendiri. Akibat konstitusi dianggap sakral dan tidak dapat disentuh oleh ide perubahan pada masa orde baru, maka amandemen pun menjadi satu-satunya alternatif yang tidak dapat dihindari. Amandemen dilakukan dalam upaya menyentuh unsur-unsur yang dianggap sebagai pangkal sendi dari tegaknya demokrasi di negara ini. Hal yang dilakukan dalam amandemen juga berkaitan dengan penguatan isi lembaga yang merupakan amanat konstitusi. Konstruksi legislatif dianggap sebagai pangkal sendi yang menjadi muara konsep demokrasi murni.  Penambahan organ DPD sebagai Lembaga baru dalam struktur legislatif ketatanegaraan Indonesia merupakan  bagian dari usaha merestorasi demokrasi di Indonesia. Karenanya upaya kontruksi ini berdampak pada terbukalah akses demokrasi sehingga tidak lagi berjarak dengan rakyat, terjaminnya kebebasan individu dan kelompok, tegaknya hak asasi manusia, serta terbukanya ruang kebebasan bagi pers.Kata Kunci: Kontruksi, Lembaga legislatif, Demokrasi Indonesia


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