Commentary on “Lobbying and Legislative Organization: The Effect of the Vote of Confidence Procedure”

2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Baron
Keyword(s):  
Interest Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legislative Organization ◽  
Agenda Setter ◽  
Legislative Agenda ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legislative Districts

The Center for Responsive Politics reports that U.S. lobbying expenditures substantially exceed interest group campaign contributions, without including the lobbying that is not required to be reported to the government. Although it has grown in Europe, particularly with respect to the European Union, lobbying is less important than in the United States. Bennedsen and Feldmann (BF) provide an important and insightful explanation for the difference in terms of the institutional structure of governments. They present a model of informational lobbying in client politics where an interest group provides information to a majority-rule (three-member) legislature. The legislature chooses the scale of a program whose benefits can be distributed among legislative districts. The legislative agenda setter has a vote buying problem and allocates benefits to one other legislator to obtain her vote. BF compare legislatures operating with and without a confidence procedure that allows the agenda setter to tie passage of its proposal the continuation of the government. This commentary considers the method for comparing these two institutions, assesses the implications of the theory, and considers future research related to the theory.

The rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU – Still an agenda-setter?

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 497-518
Author(s):  
Austė Vaznonytė
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Changes ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Issue Salience ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Agenda Setter ◽  
Panel Model ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Presidency ◽  
Over Time ◽  
The Eu

What role does the rotating Council Presidency maintain a decade after Lisbon? This article argues that, regardless of institutional changes, the rotating Presidency still shapes the Council agenda to a large extent. Based on an original hand-coded dataset of rotating Presidency programmes between 1997 and 2017, I show that some policies are ‘stickier’ on the Council agenda, while the others exhibit significant changes in salience over time. Since the magnitude of these shifts varies from Presidency to Presidency, the analysis focuses on domestic political factors and the country positioning vis-à-vis the European Union to determine their relationship with agenda volatility. By means of a panel model, the examination demonstrates that the government issue salience can best explain the levels of issue salience in the Presidency programmes.

Italy's politics without policy: Balancing Atlanticism and Europeanism in the Middle East

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The Government ◽  
Specific Interests ◽  
Policy Shifts ◽  
The Eu

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.

scholarly journals Heavy metals content in soils and cocoa tissues in Magdalena department Colombia: emphasis in cadmium

ENTRAMADO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-310
Author(s):  
Sonia Esperanza Aguirre-Forero ◽  
Nelson  Virgilio Piraneque-Gambasica ◽  
José Rafael Vásquez-Polo
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Protection Agency ◽  
Potential Problem ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Tropical Asia ◽  
Cr Content ◽  
Foliage Leaf ◽  
The Mean ◽  
Theobroma Cacao L

Cocoa (Theobroma cacao L.) is a species originating from the humid tropics. Over 70,000 km2 worldwide is dedicated to growing cocoa, and approximately 30% of its global production is concentrated in the equatorial regions of Central and South America, the Antilles and tropical Asia. The demand for cocoa is growing significantly, but the presence of cadmium (Cd) in the species is a potential problem limiting its commercialization. The present study determined the Cd, Ni, Pb and Cr content in two cocoa-producing regions in northern Colombia. Foliage (leaf, bean and shell) and soil were analyzed. The mean Ni, Pb and Cr content in the plant tissue did not exceed the maximum permissible limits set by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The mean Cd content in the beans was 0.51 mg kg-1 in region 1 and 0.66 mg kg-1 in region 2, which are considered risky per reports from the European Union and restrict the product’s export. These results serve as a reference for future research on cocoa.  

scholarly journals Book Review | George Will’s Conservatism and Democracy in Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
The United States ◽  
James Madison ◽  
American Government ◽  
Federalist Papers ◽  
The Federalist ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Federalist Papers

Americans typically view the United States as a democracy and are rightly proud of that. Of course, as those of a more precise nature, along with smug college students enrolled in introductory American government classes, are quick to point out, the United States is technically a republic. This is a bit too clever by half since James Madison, in The Federalist Papers, defined a republic the way most people think of a democracy—a system of representative government with elections: “[The]… difference between a Democracy and a Republic are, first the delegation of the Government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest.” What the framers thought of as democracy is today referred to as direct democracy, the belief that citizens should have more direct control over governing. The Athenian assembly was what the framers, Madison in particular, saw as the paragon of direct democracy—and as quite dangerous. While direct democracy has its champions, most Americans equate democracy with electing officials to do the business of government.

An investigation of oil and gas geopolitical situation in the eastern Mediterranean region

2021 ◽  
Vol 05 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nima Norouzi
Keyword(s):  
Mediterranean Region ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean Region ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
African Region ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government

: One of the focal points of the global energy struggle in recent years has been storytelling in the Eastern Mediterranean. Greece and the Greek Cypriot government (GCA), in cooperation with Egypt and Israel, are implementing a containment strategy against Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in the region. Turkey’s response to this plan was an exclusive agreement with Libya. Turkey and Libya have signed a memorandum of understanding between the government of national reconciliation on limiting the maritime jurisdiction of the new continental shelf in the Eastern Mediterranean - the only borders of the lottery’s economic zone. Greece could act with other countries, and it is said that Turkey’s competence will be ratified in the face of agreements that may restrict movement. The United States and the European Union (EU) also sought to share gas with European countries against Turkey, Israel, and the GCA. This article focuses on Libya’s ongoing competition, given Libya’s oil geopolitics and challenges in the eastern Mediterranean region. This paper briefly investigates the energy geopolitics in the eastern Mediterranean and North African region; this paper aims to conclude the diverse opinions led by various interests and points of view and propose a solution for the ever-growing tensions in this region.

14. Interest Groups and the European Union

2019 ◽  
pp. 201-218
Author(s):  
Rainer Eising
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Group System ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Group Structures ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the role of interest groups in European Union (EU) politics. It also considers the way in which the EU institutions influence interest group structures and activities. The chapter begins with an overview of the relationship between the EU institutions and interest groups and examines the steps taken thus far to regulate that relationship. It then looks at the evolution and the structure of the interest group system, focusing in particular on two salient aspects: the difference between national and EU organizations; and the difference between specific and diffuse interests.

A Not-So-Special Relationship America and Britain

2019 ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Edoardo Campanella ◽  
Marta Dassù
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Free Markets ◽  
National Myth ◽  
Absolute Strength ◽  
Insurmountable Obstacle ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Power And Influence

The Brexiteers presented a revived partnership with the United States as the cornerstone of Britain’s new Anglosphere-centered diplomacy. Without the United States, any Anglosphere project would lose meaning, and the future of Britain outside the European Union would be grim. But this chapter argues that the focus on the “special relationship” was based on a delusional national myth. Historically, the specialness, which discounted an enormous gap in terms of power and influence between the two countries, has been more keenly felt in London than in Washington. Since 1945, America’s absolute strength and Britain’s relative weakness has always determined a highly unbalanced relationship. In the eyes of Dean Acheson—Secretary of State in the Truman Administration—British rhetoric surrounding the “special” connection between the two countries reflected nothing more than the UK’s unwillingness to accept its post-imperial status: that of a simple transatlantic intermediary and Anglo-Saxon balancer in European affairs. It has been observed that, from 1945 onwards, the “special relationship” rapidly assumed the character of a “special dependancy”, with Britain being very much the junior partner. Currently, the difference in terms of power and influence between the two countries is as great as in the past—if not even greater, given Britain’s diminished influence in European affairs. On top of that, bridging the policy inconsistencies between “America First” (based on unilateralism and protectionism) and “Global Britain” (based on multilateralism and free markets) might represent an insurmountable obstacle.

Leading the European Union

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malena Rosén Sundström
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Role Theory ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Agenda Setter ◽  
Role Conceptions ◽  
The Government

This chapter analyzes how Sweden acted as Presidency of the European Union in 2001 and 2009. It explores the different roles associated with the Presidency:administrator, agenda-setter, mediator, andrepresentative. Using role theory, the analysis focuses on the Swedish government’s own role conceptions, and the expectations of other actors with regard to how the government would perform these various roles, and how it actually enacted them. The analysis demonstrates that role conceptions, external expectations, and actual execution were quite similar both times Sweden held the Chair, despite notably different Presidency contexts. Overall, both of Sweden’s Presidency periods were considered fairly successful.

History, Romance, and the Novel

2019 ◽  
pp. 154-170
Author(s):  
Gretchen J. Woertendyke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Herman Melville ◽  
Nathaniel Hawthorne ◽  
Edgar Allan Poe ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Washington Irving ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
Conjectural History

This chapter traces Charles Brockden Brown’s theories of romance, history, and the novel, from his earliest fictional-historical essays, “The Rhapsodist” (1789), “Walstein’s School of History” (1799), and “The Difference between History and Romance” (1800); to Wieland; or, The Transformation (1798) and Edgar Huntly; or, Memoirs of a Sleep-Walker (1799); to An Address to the Government of the United States (1803) and “Annals of Europe and America” (1807–1810). For Brown, romance is a form of conjectural history, true because of its imaginative range beyond the limitations of the novel’s verisimilitude. The future-oriented romance is especially suited to the local and regional conditions of the United States and uniquely connected to the geography of the nation. Brown’s influence can be found in later writers of romance, such as Washington Irving, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Edgar Allan Poe, and Herman Melville.

scholarly journals Examining Sanctions on Syria: Possibilities for Effectiveness Based on a Spatial Model

2021 ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Bader Mustafa
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Spatial Model ◽  
Strong Relationship ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The European Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
First Case ◽  
The Government

Sanctions are one of the most important tools used in foreign policy after World War II. Moreover, sanctions” subject is keeping to be a controversial one, even though the international institutions and powerful states are using sanctions since the beginning of the 20th century. However, the scientific and political community could not reach a clear-cut stand on sanctions” effectiveness. This ambiguity happens for many reasons: the humanitarian consequence of sanctions, the possibilities of achieving their goals, and the political disagreement between great powers like the use of the VETO right in the Security Council. Regarding Syria as the government and entities connected to it, are facing intensive sanctions starting from 2011 especially from the European Union, and the United States of America. Nevertheless, those sanctions were not the first case that Syria is facing sanctions in its history. Therefor his paper would investigate the cases of sanctions that been imposed on Syria, from 1979, until 2011 and after, according to (the spatial model conclusions, which suggests three directions for the result of sanctions; first sanctions success possibility unilaterally or multilaterally is high, if the sanctioned system is democratic and has a strong relationship with the sender. The second is; sanctions may have a positive result in changing an authoritarian regime if the nature of the sanctions were not fatal to the existence of the regime. The third is that sanctions on authoritarian regimes would fail if they target its existence and would result in overthrowing it.

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