scholarly journals METAPHOR POWER AND SOURCE DOMAIN CONTENT: METAPHOR FUNCTIONAL TYPOLOGY INDEX

Author(s):  
OLEG I. KALININ ◽  

This article examines the dependence of the metaphor power in communication and patterns of the metaphorical mapping as well as methods for quantitative analysis of metaphors in the text. Metaphor functional typology index (MfTI) is proposed and tested. This index is based on the division of metaphors into orientational, ontological and structural, which perform descriptive, identification and restructuring functions. The mathematical logic of calculating the index assumes that, based on the final numerical value, one can draw a conclusion about the predominant function played by the system of metaphorical models in the text or discourse, and, as a result, analyze the level of its speech impact. This method was tested in practice to solve two research problems: a descriptive analysis of the whole text’s metaphor power and a comparative analysis of metaphorical models with different source domains and one target domain. We analyzed the metaphorical nature of the texts of the New Year addresses of the political leaders of the Russian Federation, China and Great Britain, the public speeches of V...

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112199169
Author(s):  
Kana Inata

Constitutional monarchies have proved to be resilient, and some have made substantive political interventions even though their positions are mostly hereditary, without granted constitutional channels to do so. This article examines how constitutional monarchs can influence political affairs and what impact royal intervention can have on politics. I argue that constitutional monarchs affect politics indirectly by influencing the preferences of the public who have de jure power to influence political leaders. The analyses herein show that constitutional monarchs do not indiscriminately intervene in politics, but their decisions to intervene reflect the public’s preferences. First, constitutional monarchs with little public approval become self-restraining and do not attempt to assert their political preferences. Second, they are more likely to intervene in politics when the public is less satisfied about the incumbent government. These findings are illustrated with historical narratives regarding the political involvement of King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand in the 2000s.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
M.A. CHEKUNOVA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to consider the influence of the processes of digital transformation of society on the change of the model of power and public communications. The positions and arguments of technological optimists and alarmists on the prospects for the development or involution of democracy in the context of further digitalization are considered. Scenario variants of the political consequences of the "digital revolution"are presented. A special place is given to the analysis of the discourse, catalyzed by anti-covid events, around the problem of a new type of totalitarianism. The author, pointing to the opportunities of digitalization that are favorable for the development of power and public relations, also notes the risks associated with it for the political sphere. As a result of the research, the author suggests two main directions of digital transformation in the field of political communication in the medium term: 1) creative, enhancing the effectiveness of dialogue communications between the authorities and the public (including through the implementation of the national project "Digital Economy of the Russian Federation"), 2) destructive, forming the language of hostility in society and the activity of anonymous political trolls that generate conflict.


Author(s):  
Freek Colombijn

Public housing can show us important things about Indonesia in the 1950s, because seemingly technical, neutral planning decisions were in reality highly political choices. Public housing was restarted on a massive scale in Indonesia in the early 1950s, but the building volume soon fell off because of financial constraints. This limited success raises the questions of what happened to public housing during the decolonization, which groups were reached, what the size of the public housing sector was, and why public housing soon failed to live up to the high expectations of the political leaders, and perhaps the general public too, after Independence.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Abraham Fuks

Metaphors are ubiquitous features of spoken and written language that permit us to experience one thing in terms of another. “Seeing is believing” helps us understand the abstract concept of belief in terms of the concrete sense of sight. Derived from two Greek words that mean “to transfer,” metaphors transfer certain attributes from the source domain, in our example, Seeing to the target domain of Believing. The chapter explores how metaphors have cognitive properties and allow us to learn new things and to express abstract ideas and complex relations. Metaphors are a powerful trope of figurative language and commonly appear in both formal medical writings and the informal daily interactions of doctors, patients, and the public more generally. The chapter describes how metaphors connect abstract and concrete domains and offers an array of examples that helps us decipher how metaphors originate from human experiences and how they evolve. It explores how metaphors frame perceptions and shape reality and their potency in the language of the clinic.


2020 ◽  
pp. 32-60
Author(s):  
Robert I. Rotberg

The political leaders of Africa come in all sizes, shapes, and persuasions. There are liberal democratic heads of state and heads of government, presidents and prime ministers; elected democratic leaders who become wily autocrats; strong authoritarians who brook no opposition and respect few freedoms; military men ruling because their followers are well-armed; kleptocrats who govern so that they can steal from the state and its citizens; a few who profess strong support for the public interest; and many who serve clan, family, and narrow conceptions of national “interest.” There are few women. Ideology plays little part in the very different styles and mechanisms of governance that these political leaders display. But nearly all of them are transactional; hardly anyone today is transformational in the manner of several of Africa’s founding fathers, such as Nelson Mandela.


1852 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 191-215
Author(s):  
H. H. Wilson

It has been judged possible, by the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, that the objects for which the Society was founded, and for which it is maintained, may be made more generally known, and more accurately appreciated, by the adoption of arrangements of a more popular character than our ordinary proceedings, and which may interest a more numerous and varied portion of the public than the Members of the Society only, in matters concerning the Eastern World. It is not to be denied that the subjects which in a peculiar degree engage the attention of the Society,—the antiquities and literature of the nations of the East,—have hitherto failed to receive that attention from the public at large which might have been expected, if not from their own inherent interest, yet from our long and intimate intercourse with the most important countries of Asia, and the political identification of India and Great Britain. Works of high merit, elucidating Oriental literature, history, antiquities, religion, the conditions of Asiatic society in past or present times, and descriptive of the products of art or nature in the East, usually meet with a cold and discouraging reception, even from the reading world, or at most attract passing and ephemeral notice, leaving no durable impression, creating no continuous and progressive interest.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-38
Author(s):  
Taberannang Korauaba

For more than 50 years, the governments of Kiribati have manipulated the affairs of the Broadcasting and Publications Authority (BPA). The authority runs a radio station and newspaper reaching the majority of the population of Kiribati. The interference is simply a warning to those  working for the authority that they do not have freedom to inform the public. In practice, the political opposition would oppose this interference, describing it as draconian and demanding more media freedom. But when the  opposition came to power, it would also restrict the work of  journalists. Thus reporters have often been caught in the crossfire between the politicians and are fearful of their future. Some journalists have been accused of being anti-government or sanctioning stories that embarrass the political leaders. This commentary explains—from the firsthand experience of this journalist—why in the digital era small Pacific nations such as Kiribati face a more fundamental issue: protecting the public’s right to know.


Author(s):  
K. L. Datta

This chapter discusses the circumstances which led the political leaders to adopt planning and use it as an instrument of policy in economic and social reconstruction in India after Independence. It elucidates how planning was initiated to modernize India’s resource-constrained, stagnant, and decaying economy, and dove-tailed with the mixed economy approach. It argues that the decision to use planning and the antecedent role to the state and the public sector was not taken by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru alone, as it also came from contemporary leaders. It dispels the notion that the planning model employed by the Soviet Union was straightjacketed in India. Appraising Nehru’s engagement with planners and policymakers, it refers to events that may have shaped his decision to rely on planning, in the context of India’s growth and development strategy that sought to increase income and improve the living standards of its people.


Author(s):  
Ludger Helms

Classic accounts of the relationship between leadership and public administration used to be straightforward: Political officials exercise leadership in terms of providing direction to government, and administrations implement decisions made by those leaders. Over the past decades, however, both scholarly notions and empirical manifestations of leadership and administration have undergone substantive change. While the political leadership literature continues to be more interested in such aspects as goal identification and definition, and the ways and means by which leaders manage to garner and maintain support for their agendas, the crucial importance of implementation in terms of leadership effectiveness has been explicitly acknowledged since the seminal work of James MacGregor Burns who famously defined leadership as “real, intended social change.” Conversely, public administration scholars have discovered the role of bureaucrats in the leadership process as important subfields of public administration. To some considerable extent, these reorientations in the political study of leadership and administration have been driven by empirical developments in the real world of leaders and administrators. In many of the established democracies, political leaders have come to realize the importance of administrative resources, and in some contexts, such as in the United States, it seems justified to speak of particular administration-centered approaches to, and strategies of, executive leadership. At the same time, large-scale reforms of the public sector have fundamentally altered the role of bureaucrats in the leadership process. While individual top civil servants, especially (but not only) in Westminster systems, have always exercised some leadership, New Public Management reforms designed to increase the efficiency of the public sector extended leadership roles across the bureaucracy. The relationship between political leaders and bureaucrats continues to display major differences between countries, yet politicization of the civil service in its various forms marks a strong cross-national trend. In some countries, the proliferation of special advisers stands out as a more specific element of change with important implications for the evolving nature of executive leadership. Such differences between countries notwithstanding, a broad empirical inquiry suggests that the developments in the political and administrative parts of the executive branch in many major democracies are marked by divergent dynamics: While there is a notable trend within the political core executive to centralize power with the chief executive (prominently referred to as “presidentialization” by some authors), the public bureaucracy of many developed countries has experienced a continuous dispersion of leadership roles. The implications of these ongoing changes have remained understudied and deserve further scholarly attention. However, alongside a host of conceptual and methodological issues, perhaps the most difficult and complex challenges to leadership and administration, both for political science and politics itself, relate to processes of internationalization and globalization.


1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald D. Searing

When streams of research are isolated from one another by methodological style and ideological character, the fact that they share similar explanatory principles is easily overlooked. Thus, since the 1950s many quantitative and ‘pluralistic’ American studies have argued that political leaders are more likely than the public to support procedural rules of the game. And since at least the 1930s, many qualitative and ‘left-wing’ European commentaries have argued that, in matters of socio-economic policy, members of parliaments become more moderate than their parties' activists. These important claims are embedded in two partial theories which have previously been treated as unrelated, the theories of institutional support and of deradicalization. And yet, different as these theories may be in many respects, they are driven by similar socialization principles which accompany movement from one role in the political system to another. Such socialization principles are a conservative force inculcating both institutional support in procedural rules of the game and deradicalization in orientations towards public policy.


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