scholarly journals Maghreb 2021: Political Development Impasses and Threats to the Subregional System

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 642-654
Author(s):  
Vasily A. Kuznetsov ◽  
Anastasia I. Vasilenko
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Border Regions ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Internal Architecture

The article is devoted to the relevant issues of international relations in the Maghreb subregion, which became especially acute after the rupture of diplomatic relations between Algeria and Morocco in August 2021. The authors analyze the general parameters of the Maghreb subsystem of international relations and identify key trends in the internal political development of its member states. The growing tension in the bilateral relations between Algeria and Morocco is only a symptom of the general crisis of the regional subsystem. The study is based on the analysis of a wide array of information and analytical materials and documents, as well as the authors field research in the border regions of Morocco (2019) and Algeria (2018, 2019) and interviews with Maghreb politicians (2020, 2021). The first part of the article highlights the key parameters of the Maghreb subsystem, describes its internal architecture, reveals the interconnections with other regional subsystems, and identifies the development trends of the Maghreb that took shape in the 2010s. The second part analyzes the internal political dynamics in Libya, Tunisia and Algeria. The current situation in each country can be described as an impasse, both in terms of the development of the democratic process and the possibilities for national consolidation on an authoritarian basis. The political elites of the region are unable to offer realistic strategies for state development and it leads to the growing alienation of societies. The third part of the article reveals the implications of political development crises for the regional relations. The authors conclude by putting forward a scenario of a partial reorientation of a number of Maghreb states from a deeper Mediterranean integration to finding other allies. They also identify prospects for rebalancing relations of Maghreb states with their Arab partners. In the framework of these processes the elites can use conflicting foreign policy agenda for the national consolidation of some countries. Finally, the authors raise the question of seeking new models of state and regional development in the Maghreb.

scholarly journals Foreign Policies of China and Japan towards Ayutthayya (Thailand) in 16th - 17th Centuries

2021 ◽  
Vol 04 (09) ◽  
Author(s):  
Le Thi Anh Dao ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
The World ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
China And Japan ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Important Position ◽  
Sphere Of Influence

China, Japan and Ayutthaya (Thailand) are three countries located in Asia - a cultural, civilized and economic center of the world in history and at present. In the 16th - 17th centuries, building diplomatic relations and implementing foreign policies with Southeast Asian countries were always the concern of major countries in the region, especially China and Japan. In the foreign policy of China and Japan, Ayutthaya was one of the countries that had an important position and brought many economic and political benefits. On the contrary, establishing a good relationship with a powerful country like China and a country with a developed maritime trade like Japan would benefit Ayutthaya in many ways in international relations, expanding its sphere of influence as well as economic and political development in the 16th and 17th centuries. The article delves into the policies of China and Japan towards Ayutthaya (16th - 17th centuries) in order to clarify the similarities and differences in the regional policies of two major countries as well as the role and position of Ayutthaya in Southeast Asia during the pre-modern centuries.

5. Oil and Political Economy in the International Relations of the Middle East

2019 ◽  
pp. 107-131
Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Rentier States

This chapter looks at the role of oil in the political economy and the international relations of the Middle East. Oil is commonly considered a political commodity. Because of its pivotal importance as a primary source of energy, governments are concerned with its continued availability and seek to minimize import dependence. Historically, interest in oil — especially in the United Kingdom and the United States — strongly influenced attitudes towards the Middle East and the formation of the state system in the region, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Oil also affects the power balance within the region. The polarization in the region between oil-rich and oil-poor states is thus an essential tool of analysis. The parallel distinction between rentier and non-rentier states helps to explain how oil affects the domestic political development of the oil-rich states and influences their regional relations.

Universal International Law

1993 ◽  
Vol 87 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan I. Charney
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Legal Principles ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Uniform State ◽  
The Common ◽  
Multilateral Treaties

In this shrinking world, states are increasingly interdependent and interconnected, a development that has affected international law. Early international law dealt with bilateral relations between autonomous states. The principal subjects until well into this century were diplomatic relations, war, treaties and the law of the sea. One of the most significant developments in international law during the twentieth century has been the expanded role played by multilateral treaties addressed to the common concerns of states. Often they clarify and improve rules of international law through the process of rendering them in binding written agreements. These treaties also promote the coordination of uniform state behavior in a variety of areas. International organizations, themselves the creatures of multilateral treaties, have also assumed increasing prominence in the last half of this century. They contribute to the coordination and facilitation of contemporary international relations on the basis of legal principles.

scholarly journals Nigeria–China Relations: The Contemporary Challenges

2019 ◽  
pp. 1258-1265
Author(s):  
Dr. Adigbuo Ebere Richard
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Research Method ◽  
International System ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Balance Sheet ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Balance Of Trade ◽  
The Relationship

2018 marks the 47th anniversary of Nigeria-China diplomatic relations. Nigeria’s relation with china is decisively important for the future of both countries and to an ever evolving international system. It is appropriate to understand the contemporary challenges facing this relationship. Thus, this article examines Sino-Nigeria relation with a view to providing a balance sheet of cost and benefits. To do this, the study rests on qualitative research method that examines and synthesizes extant literature on international relations and in particular relevant literature on Sino-Nigeria relations. It is thus discovered that in the bilateral relations between the two countries, China has gained more than Nigeria in terms of balance of trade and the unwillingness of China to transfer technology to Nigeria. Since the relationship is asymmetrical, the article concludes that China cannot solve Nigeria’s problem and that the latter must learn from China bitter and hard way to greatness.

Georgia and Armenia between apathy and revolution: Civic culture and stability of grey zone regimes

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Brunnbauer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Grey Zone ◽  
Transformation Theory ◽  
Political Processes

The declaration of the ‘end of the transition paradigm’ at the dawn of the new millennium provoked a rethinking in transformation theory, as it challenged the dichotomy of democratic and authoritarian systems and the ‘finality’ of transformation. This study contributes to the debate on hybrid political systems, critically assessing established theoretical models of political cul-ture and stability with a view to their applicability in the post-Soviet environment. On the basis of comprehensive field research, the study compares Georgia and Armenia as most similar cases, which inherited similar legacies from their common Soviet past but showed different developments of regime persistence, instability and democratization processes since gaining independence and sovereignty. While Georgia experienced ups and downs of its democratization efforts, Armenia was considered a stable semi-consolidated authoritarian system until the Velvet Revolution, which can be regarded as an important ‘reset’ in Armenia’s recent history. In a comparative approach this study analyses critical hues of stability in the political ‘grey zone’ while concentrating on the intermediary structure of both countries. Given its mediating function within the political system, the intermediary sphere of civil society actors and political elites instructively reflects the (dis)connect between citizens and the state. Focusing the analysis on the intermediary sphere provides valuable insights into the dynamics of political processes and decision-making, the articulation of interests independent from the state and the formation and recruitment of elites. By taking a critical look at the very constitution of the nexus of political elites and civil society as well as interlinkages and impacts, the major finding is that the mutual influence of political culture and political structure on stability can be confirmed in both countries’ context. Thereby, the study identifies key differences in regime configurations that impact persistence in the political grey zone.

scholarly journals Remembering and Forgetting the Last War: Discursive Memory of the Sino-Vietnamese War in China and Vietnam

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Qingfei Yin ◽  
Kosal Path
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
40Th Anniversary ◽  
Thin Line ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Popular Memory

Abstract The year 2019 marked the 40th anniversary of the outbreak of the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1979. Making use of published and unpublished Chinese, Vietnamese, and English sources, this article traces the tensions between official and popular memories of the Sino-Vietnamese War of 1979 in China and Vietnam, respectively. We argue that these tensions existed because the development of the official Chinese and Vietnamese memories of the war largely mirrored each other. Between 1991 and roughly 2006, when bilateral relations between the countries improved, both Beijing and Hanoi claimed victory for their side while simultaneously downplaying the bloodshed, tragedy, and loss experienced during the war. However, they have reacted to the rise of popular memories since the early 2000s in very different ways. While Beijing walks a thin line between accommodating appeals for greater recognition of the sacrifices made by ordinary soldiers without provoking social discontent with the political system, Hanoi has been more successful in mobilising Vietnamese popular memory of the war to strike a measured nationalistic response to China. How China and Vietnam remember and downplay the Sino-Vietnamese War points to the bigger picture of the sensitivity of bilateral relations to historical memory in Asia. In particular, historical memory shapes how a country perceives external threats and opportunities, while historical memory is created, suppressed, and re-created as international relations evolve.

scholarly journals Ukrainian-Moldovan Relations in 1991-2014: Review of Domestic and Foreign Historiography

2017 ◽  
pp. 97-124
Author(s):  
Iryna Vyshnia
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Huge Number ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Object Of Study ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The article analyses the main groups of scientific works in Ukrainian and foreign historiography. The main focus was made on dividing the existing historical researches into groups by their main object of study. Among them, one can distinguish the following ones: works reviewing the global and European political processes and the role of Ukraine and Moldova therein; the Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation with the EU and NATO; Ukraine’s and Moldova’s participation in the integration processes on the post-Soviet space; the bilateral Ukrainian-Moldovan cooperation; the course and settlement of the Transnistrian conflict; political development of Ukraine and Moldova. Special attention is focused on the comparative analysis of the different perspectives of the Ukrainian, Moldovan (including Transnistrian), Russian and other authors on such issues as Transnistrian conflict, rapprochement of Ukraine and Moldova with the EU and NATO, the role of Russia in the Transnistrian conflict. The author underlines that the changes in political development of both countries, as well as those in the international relations greatly influenced the activity of researches surrounding bilateral relations of Ukraine and Moldova, so did they on such issues as Transnistrian conflict and the conflict in Donbas (Ukraine). It is concluded that even with numerous publications focused on Ukrainian-Moldovan relations existing, there is a huge number of unexplored issues in this category.

The Street Leaders of Seoul and the Foundations of the South Korean Political Order

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 636-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK MOBRAND
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
State Building ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Dirty Work ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
South Korean

AbstractIn the decade and a half following Korean liberation from Japan in 1945, a category of men prowled Seoul's back alleys and also its halls of power. These figures might be called street leaders, for they were directly linked on one hand to private agents of violence and on the other to the top state and political elites of the country. The most notorious individuals included Kim Tu-han, a gang leader who became an elected politician, and Yi Chŏng-jae, a ‘political gangster’ who helped party politicians with their dirty work. Street leaders like Kim and Yi were on the scene at key moments in the republic's early political development. An examination of the political careers of Kim and Yi reveals how important cooperation between such actors and elite politicians was to state-building, political mobilization, and design of electoral institutions—processes that created the contemporary South Korean polity. Both the alliances between politicians and street leaders as well as the destruction of those alliances left deep impressions on South Korean politics.

Framing and Claiming: Contemporary Globalization and “Going Out” in China's Rhetoric towards Latin America

2012 ◽  
Vol 209 ◽  
pp. 134-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia C. Strauss
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
Developing World ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
Division Of Labour ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Global Partnership ◽  
Bilateral Relations

AbstractChina's increasing, and increasingly visible, engagement in Latin America has led to a variety of analyses, many based on either international relations notions of realism or international political economy precepts of trade. Rather than seeing China's rhetoric on its relations with Latin America as fluff that conceals a harder reality, this article takes rhetoric seriously as a device of “framing and claiming”: a way in which political elites in China interpret the fast-changing developing world and China's place in it. The article explores how political elites have understood the sources of China's own domestic development and then projected those notions on to other parts of the developing world, through earlier “fractal” logics of development whereby each state repeats one model of development in its own way and a currently dominant “division of labour” logic that posits one integrated model of development whereby complementarity and comparative advantage hold sway. The article concludes with a comparison of China's relations with Peru and Brazil, suggesting that China's bilateral relations with Brazil indicate a newer, emerging rhetoric of global partnership based on equality.

scholarly journals UNDERSTANDING PEACE STUDIES AS PART OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
M. Prakoso Aji ◽  
Jerry Indrawan
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
Conflict Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Studies ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Conceptual Research

<p>Peace Studies is a discipline that is derived from International Relations. With the development of International Relations, they are dealing with cases related to conflicts and wars between states, as well as states with non-states. For this reason, Peace Studies was born so that it can focus on discussing issues surrounding conflict, war, and resolution efforts. Peace Studies in general are associated with the concept of conflict resolution. One method of conflict resolution in Peace Studies is the concept of conflict transformation. Conflict transformation is not only aimed at stopping conflict and to change patterns of negative relations between conflicting parties, but also to change the political, social and economic structure that causes the patterns of negative relations. Peace Studies offers a new analysis of how International Relations should look at the complexity of relations between actors. The author did not conduct field research related to this article, but conduct a conceptual research through literature study. The purpose of this article is to see how Peace Studies can help answer problems in International Relations related to conflicts or wars that occur internationally.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> peace studies, conflict, armed conflict, violence, and conflict transformation</p>

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