scholarly journals The Structure Of The Political Elites In Polyethnic Republics Of The North Caucasus

Author(s):  
A R Salgiriev

This article describes the features of the motion, the channels of recruitment and aspirations of the elites in the North Caucasus. It is important to keep track of the role of political elites to control the interaction in the region, to identify their interests, resources, influence, positive and destructive factors in their activities. The article analyzes the ethnic composition (proportional representation of titular nations, the principles of parity) in representative government in the North Caucasus (Dagestan, Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia), mechanisms of occurrence of ethnoelites to the state and municipal authorities. During the formation of public authorities in the region, the political leadership of the country since the Soviet era adhered to “ethnicity”, “national quotas”. But at the present stage of development of the political system in Russia, the federal center began to use democratic mechanisms of local authorities, which makes regional political elites to seek new approaches in the political struggle.

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-120
Author(s):  
Sufian Zhemukhov

A nuanced reading of the current situation in the North Caucasus reveals two main trends that articulate in confrontation with Russian nationalism. First, in the eastern part of the region, particularly in Dagestan, Chechnya, and Ingushetia, a shift from nationalism to Islam has taken place, and the ties between religion and political machine are strong and visible. Second, and by contrast, in the western part of the region, including Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachayevo-Cherkessia, and North Ossetia, nationalism has increased, and the political elites seldom practice religion publicly.


Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Imanutdin Khabibovich Sulaev ◽  

The article examines the revolutionary events of 1917 in Dagestan from the standpoint of legal awareness of Muslim public figures and clergy and their participation in the socio-political life of the region. The events had both common for the entire Russia and specific features due to the level of socio-economic and political development of the region and the role of Islam in its society. The article examines how the turbulent revolutionary time brought authoritative Muslim leaders to the political scene. Later, they aspired to develop their own tactics and strategy in order to influence the course of events in Dagestan after the February Revolution of 1917. Each representative of the secular and spiritual intelligentsia had their own attitude to the political forces that emerged during the struggle for the revolutionary democracy. The author notes such a characteristic feature of the revolutionary democracy of 1917 in Dagestan as the active involvement of the Muslim clergy in the new government institutions, their appeal to Islam and Sharia when clarifying and resolving various issues of socio-political importance. It is shown that the most important and discussed issue was the election of the head of the Caucasian Spiritual Board of Muslims from among muftis or imams by the Muslims of Dagestan and the North Caucasus. The healthy socio-political forces of the region aspired to preserve law and order in the region appealing to Sharia and Islam.


Author(s):  
Emilia Alaverdov

The chapter examines the place and role of Islam in the socio-political life of the peoples in the North Caucasus, especially in the Chechen Republic, as well as relations between the state and religious organizations and society, and examines the role of Islam in the political and socio-spiritual life of the region. The work analyzes the struggles of Chechen people for independence, which were called the Chechen wars and given the cliché of Jihad, reflected in the revival of political organizations and activities. The chapter shows that having experienced two very dreadful wars it is still possible to build a strong, sovereign, safe republic with a very low criminal rate, and written a long stand strategy for the socio-economic development. It is worthy to say that the strategy has clearly defined basic priorities and development vector of the Chechen Republic until 2025 as a mechanism for their initial coordination, where the main priority in the tourism sector, since the republic has a great potential for it.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”


Author(s):  
Z.Kh. Guchetl ◽  
◽  
O.I. Kuskarova ◽  

In this article, the authors comprehend the moral and ethical phenomenon of "Adyge habz the problems of its preservation and development in modern society in the context of globalization. The study of traditions is undoubtedly relevant in modern conditions, when many ethnic groups persistently retain interest in past values, their origins and prospects. The authors note that this problem is relevant not only for the Adygs, but also for other peoples of the North Caucasus, which have their own analogues of national moral and ethical codes. Based on the results of the conducted sociological research, it is concluded that the role of Adyghism (adygag) in the system of traditional ethno-cultural values of the Adyghes has decreased, and therefore there is a need to revive and develop the national identity of the Adyghes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Christopher J. Soto

AbstractWe argue that the political effects of negativity bias are narrower than Hibbing et al. suggest. Negativity bias reliably predicts social, but not economic, conservatism, and its political effects often vary across levels of political engagement. Thus the role of negativity bias in broad ideological conflict depends on the strategic packaging of economic and social attitudes by political elites.


2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.


2018 ◽  
pp. 86-97
Author(s):  
Григорій Юрійович Каніщев

History of State and law of Ukraine can be considered as one of the leading academic disciplines to modern lawyers because its purpose is to familiarize professionals with the historical experience of the development of statehood and the territory of modern Ukraine that directly or indirectly impact on the current status and the quality of the public authority in our country, on the relationship between the State and citizens, on the situation in Ukraine in the international arena, its image in the world, etc. Great value for the teaching and study of history of State and Law of Ukraine have changes that have been happening lately in higher legal education in our country. Besides necessary legal skills and knowledge, present-day and future lawyers have to understand the nature of law and the philosophy of human rights, the role of the bureaucracy in the functioning of the State organized by the society, the mechanism of distribution of public authorities, as well as to understand the ways of development of the State and its transition from a developing country to a developed country. The role of history of State and Law of Ukraine here is mapping the processes of historical evolution of relationships between the human and the State on the modern Ukrainian territory. This includes compliance with State rights, in particular political struggle of people for their rights in both peaceful and violent way (through an armed revolt against the authorities) etc. In this connection, educational courses and researches on the history of State and Law should pay much attention to the evolution of public authority as a result of the struggle of people for their rights.


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