scholarly journals System-synergetic approach to studying the essence of state power

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 248-262
Author(s):  
Aleksey V. Zyrianov
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Individual Element ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Structural Principle ◽  
Relativistic Approach ◽  
System Power

This article is devoted to the problem of cognition and understanding of the essence of state power. Actualization is carried out by searching for a new paradigm approach in order to determine the fundamental principles that are correlated with the idea to optimize and increase the efficiency of the corresponding sphere of public relations. Acting as an alternative to the substantial and relativistic approach to the study of state power, the system-synergetic approach analyzes the phenomenon of power based on the definition of system, within which the functions of communication and regulation of public relations are assigned to power. As a result, power is seen as a property or function of a social, in particular, political system, the need for which is determined by the presence of society itself and the task of maintaining its integrity. The analysis allows stating that in most modern concepts there is a consistent rejection of the traditional interpretation of power as the result of subject-object relations, where the subject of power is an active, energetic principle, and the object undergoes impact. In contrast to the position of traditionalism, there is a tendency to interpret power as a complex polysystem permeating the entire social structure of society. As a structural and synergistic effect of the system, power is not a property of its individual element, since each element must certainly be correlated with other units of the given system. Power is an intrasystem relatedness of all elements. As a structural principle, power is realized on the basis of equivalent exchange, which means not the equivalence of the exchanged elements, but a situation in which one element is unconceivable without the other, i.e. one element exists in relation to the other, and co-develops with it. Thus, power really fulfills the function of streamlining socio-political ties, making their separation and differentiation expedient. Power, therefore, is the beginning, creating structures, increasing heterogeneities in a continuous social environment and connecting them together. Such a view allows interpreting power as a principle of functioning of the state system: if the state system, with the help of some value proposition, manages to reproduce the corresponding content of consciousness, then it functions quite stably.

The Politics and Symbolism of the #ThisFlag in Zimbabwe

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tinashe Mawere
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Productive Capacity ◽  
Discursive Analysis ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Symbolic Meanings ◽  
Dominant Discourses ◽  
National Flag ◽  
Cultural Tools

In the context of the hashtag movement #ThisFlag, this paper examines the sensual affects drawn from flag symbolism and why the Zimbabwean flag is policed by the state. It uses the symbolism and politics of the hashtag movements by focusing on Evan Mawarire’s national lament and the Zimbabwean flag. It employs a literary and discursive analysis of Mawarire’s lament using desktop research on the contestations surrounding the flag. It shows that in dominant nationalist discourses, the flag is imaged as the land/nation and feminised to warrant it utmost respect, protection, sanctity and re/productive capacity. On the other hand, the #ThisFlag has made use of the flag to resist and subvert grand and naturalised dominant discourses of nationalism and citizenship to foster new imagi/nations of the nation. The use of the flag by the movement provoked ZANU-PF’s ownership of the national flag, which is quite similar to and has been drawn from the flag of the party, hence the movement was challenging the identity of the party, its ownership and its relevance. The paper shows the fluidity of symbols and symbolic meanings and why #ThisFlag had symbolic radical power and the possibilities of using the state’s and ZANU-PF’s cultural tools to challenge ZANU-PF’s hold on national knowledge and power. It contributes to our understanding of both state-power retention and how subaltern voices can uncover the agency of subjects within the very instruments of control incessantly used by dominant regimes.

scholarly journals CONSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF LAW AND THEIR IMPORTANCE FOR LEGAL BEHAVIOR

Issues of Law ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
E.V. Titova ◽  
◽  
A.G. Kuzmin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Human Dignity ◽  
Essential Feature ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Principles ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Normative Significance ◽  
Russian Law ◽  
The Law

The article analyzes the objective and natural character of the origin of legal principles; the process of constitutionalization of the principles of Russian law and their implementation into the legitimate behavior of the participants of public relations. The authors substantiate that the content of constitutional principles is represented by three main elements: requirement, ideal, and knowledge. The most essential feature of constitutional principles is their ability for the legal expression of the most socially and politically significant values and ideals (legality, justice, humanism, freedom, equality, respect, trust) for an individual, society, and state. Regulatory features and normative significance of the principles of law are obtained as a result of constitutional formalization, and their embodiment insignificant rules of conduct of the state and the citizen contribute to the establishment of constitutional order. Special attention is paid to the content of some constitutional principles: the principle of respect and protection of human dignity; the principle of maintaining citizens’ trust in the law and the state; the principle of respect for the state power

scholarly journals ALGEBRA* VIOLENCE ALGEBRA CRATY

2020 ◽  
pp. 12-23
Author(s):  
Vadym Chuiko ◽  
Valerii Atamanchuk-Angel
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Direct Product ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Philosophical Thought ◽  
Human Culture ◽  
Full Responsibility ◽  
Abstract Notion ◽  
Almost All

Almost all philosophy about the state system has concentrated on the authorities. Any function of the state can be represented as a superposition of the functions of violence / coercion. Ultimately, the state appears to be a kind of plurality of subjects with a definite crater power / coercion / violence operation on it. The algebra of trust on the multiplicity of owners of themselves, endowed with free future, is each of them is only a part of nature, еру carrier of the part of the general human culture, and for their completeness, they have and understand the need for the Other. This is the philosophy of solving political, environmental, and climate challenges not through violent / voluntaristic methods, but by the recognition of sovereign rights and the search for ways to achieve sustainable development. Any cracy / power / coercion / violence must be separated from the models of society, the state. Public agreement is not an agreement with the abstract notion of the state, but an agreement with definite elected people who have gained the trust of those to whom they temporarily render their services. Contract is temporary, limited by period, with obligatory full responsibility of the parties. Scientific novelty. For more than two thousand years, long before Aristotle and Plato, European philosophical thought, reflecting on the structure of society, wanders in the labyrinths of kratia. Modern achievements of mathematics provide an opportunity to build ideal political objects, and a direct product of material and ideal government building. (Example of a trust algebra [4].)

RISK MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN THE CUSTOMS POLICY MECHANISM

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-57
Author(s):  
V.N. Glaz ◽  
◽  
V.I. Berezhnoy ◽  
T.G. Martseva ◽  
E.V. Berezhnaya ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Control ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
International Economic Relations ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The One

The mechanism of public policy in the regulation of public relations is built on the skillful combination of prohibitions of restrictions on the one hand, and laxity and opportunities on the other. But weakening state control may increase the level of risk to relationships. This is most clearly evident in international economic relations, where not only individual States that assume responsibility by becoming parties to conventions, agreements and treaties, but also individuals and entities that do not always support the policy of the State in the practice of implementing signed contracts, are parties. Russia pays special attention to a reasonable combination of the country’s economic interests and common interests within the framework of integration associations. The Russian customs authorities, represented by the Federal Customs Service, are one of the agents of state policy in this regard. The purpose of the activity is not only to administer the revenues from foreign economic activity to the budget, but also to protect the economic interests of the state, the participants of the foreign economic activity, professional intermediaries and individual consumers. Therefore, the development of a comprehensive policy of monitoring and assessment of customs risks will reduce the efforts of customs authorities to prevent possible offenses, and thus protect the interests of participants in foreign trade at any level.

scholarly journals Die Rechtslage des Grundbesitzes im Spiegel der Lehre von der Heiligen Krone

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (29) ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Magdolna Gedeon
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
State Power ◽  
Mineral Resources ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other

In relation to the Doctrine of the Holy Crown there are two opposing views. In one of the opinions the state power and the lands belonged to the Holy Crown, and for this reason the decisions about the lands had to be made by the ruler and the orders together. In the other opinion the state power and the lands belonged to the ruler, and for this reason the relation between the king and the person who was donated with a land was a private legal connection. Although the mineral resources originally belonged to the Holy Crown, in the course of time the Habsburg rulers achieved that they could dispose alone, without the consent of the orders, over the mine revenues. In this way, by the 18th century, the relation between the king and the mining contractors became a private legal connection. Comparing the rules of the Bergregal and the rules related to the lands we can conclude that the lands belonged to the Holy Crown, and not to the ruler.

scholarly journals SALT AND SOVEREIGNTY IN COLONIAL BURMA

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
JAGJEET LALLY
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
British India ◽  
Administrative Capacity ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The Government ◽  
Fiscal Administration ◽  
The One ◽  
Knowledge Deficits

Abstract Across monsoon Asia, salt is of such vital necessity that controlling its production or supply has historically been connected to the establishment and expression of political authority. On the one hand, rulers maintained the allegiance of their subjects by ensuring their access to salt of suitable price and sufficient quantity. On the other hand, denying rebels their salt was a strategy of conquest and pacification, while the necessity of salt meant it could reliably be taxed to raise state finances. This article first sets out this connection of salt and sovereignty, then examining it in the context of colonial Burma, a province of British India from its annexation until its ‘divorce’ in 1935 (effected in 1937), and thus subject to the Government of India's salt monopoly. Focusing on salt brings into view two aspects of the state (while also permitting analysis of ‘Upper Burma’, which remains rather marginal in the scholarly literature). First, the everyday state and quotidian practices constitutive of its sovereignty, which was negotiated and contested where indigenes were able to exploit the chinks in the state's administrative capacity and its knowledge deficits. Second, in turn, the lumpy topography of state power. The state not only failed to restrict salt production to the extent it desired (with the intention that indigenes would rely on imported salt, whose supply was easier to control and thus tax), but conceded to a highly complex fiscal administration, the variegations in which reflected the uneven distribution in state power – thicker in the delta and thinnest in the uplands.

Leaders and Their Goals

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-42
Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
State Power ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
System A ◽  
General Terms ◽  
The People ◽  
Degree Of Control

This chapter focuses on state leaders and their goals. Within every state is a group of people who have a large degree of control over the way state power is exercised. They directly influence decisions about how goals are prioritized and pursued and ways in which institutions are constructed or renovated so that these decisions can be realized. These are the people who need advice on macro-level questions of public administration—that is, on big questions relating to the architecture of the state. These people can be called leaders or rulers. It is possible to describe, in general terms, the set of goals that leaders pursue. There is little doubt that survival in office should be counted within this set of likely goals. A second goal is to increase the power and legitimacy of state institutions within the territory claimed by the state. A third goal is the extension of power and legitimacy within the state system. A fourth goal is the increase of national prosperity. A fifth possible goal for leaders is the advancement of human rights.

5. Medieval interactions (700–1500)

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-92
Author(s):  
Charles L. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Close Association ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Control ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Military Action

“Medieval interactions (700–1500)” considers the relationships among Jews, Christians, and Muslims between 700 and 1500 ce. Islam’s close association with the state influenced the development of its theology and law, the leading discipline for ordering Islamic societies and for framing Muslims’ interactions with Christians and Jews. The association of both Christianity and Islam with state power encouraged ideologies that could justify military action against the other, most notably the Crusades. Religious minorities—Jews and Christians in Muslim lands; Jews and Muslims in Christian territory—often lived restricted lives, yet Christian and especially Muslim practice sometimes allowed for toleration as well as extensive cultural and intellectual exchange, albeit without ceding political control.

scholarly journals Антиутопические произведения Евгения Замятина и Василя Гигевича: к проблеме сходства и различий

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
Anna Alsztyniuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
George Orwell ◽  
Aldous Huxley ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Future ◽  
In Captivity

The article analyses Zamyatin’s novel We (1921) and Hihiewicz’s story Martian Journey (1990). Zamyatin is considered to be the father of the anti-utopian genre, and We became a source of inspiration for many writers, including George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. Hihiewicz, in his works, repeatedly portrayed the society of the future, completely subordinated to the system of state power. Similar issues and kinds of narration are the main features that link both analysed works. However, the transformation of Zamyatin’s protagonist is only temporary, as a consequence of which he returns to the initial situation, to the life absolutely subordinated to the state power. On the other hand, Hihiewicz’s protagonists solve existential problems by choosing between life in captivity and death.

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