scholarly journals Herbert Vivian a British traveller in late nineteenth-century Serbia

Balcanica ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 255-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radmila Pejic
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Famous Book ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Fresh Insight ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Simple Life

The famous British journalist and author Herbert Vivian (1865-1940) visited Serbia twice (1896 and 1903). On his first visit he stayed for several months in order to research into everyday life, customs, political situation and economic potentials of Serbia, which were little known to the British public. His famous book Servia. The Poor Man?s Paradise (1896) was a major contribution to British travel writing about Serbia with its in-depth analysis and rather objective portrayal of the country?s political system, religious practices and economic situation. He was convinced that his book would have an effect on the British attitude towards Serbia by drawing attention of British high society to this country. Vivian was highly impressed by the simple life of Serbian peasants, an idealised self-sufficient social group that was satisfied with the land they tilled. After the 1903 regicide, Vivian, an admirer of the late King Alexander Obrenovic became disappointed with Serbia?s elite, but remained enchanted with the simple life of Serbian peasants. This article analyses the accuracy of his account and provides a fresh insight into Vivian?s attitude towards Serbia.

scholarly journals Identity considerations for a psychology based on a complex epistemology

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Jaramillo Estrada
Keyword(s):  
Quality Of Life ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Active Part ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The World ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
The Way

Born in the late nineteenth century, within the positivist paradigm, psychology has made important developments that have allowed its recognition in academia and labor. However, contextual issues have transformed the way we conceptualize reality, the world and man, perhaps in response to the poor capacity of the inherited paradigm to ensure quality of life and welfare of human beings. This has led to the birth and recognition of new paradigms, including complex epistemology, in various fields of the sphere of knowledge, which include the subjectivity, uncertainty, relativity of knowledge, conflict, the inclusion of "the observed" as an active part of the interventions and the relativity of a single knowable reality to move to co-constructed realities. It is proposed an approach to the identity consequences for a psychology based on complex epistemology, and the possible differences and relations with psychology, traditionally considered.

John Robert Seeley and the Political Theology of Empire

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Bell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Famous Book ◽  
Late Nineteenth

This chapter focuses on John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the most prominent imperial thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. It dissects Seeley's understanding of theology and religion, probes his views on the sacred character of nationality, and shows how he attempted to reconcile particularism and universalism in a so-called “cosmopolitan nationalist” vision. It argues that Seeley's most famous book, The Expansion of England (1883) should be understood as an expression of his basic political-theological commitments. The chapter also makes the case that he conceived of Greater Britain as a global federal nation-state, modeled on the United States. It concludes by discussing the role of India and Ireland in his polychronic, stratified conception of world order.

The Underdogs: 1850–1900

2019 ◽  
pp. 463-494
Author(s):  
Lawrence M. Friedman
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Old World ◽  
American System ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Poor Women ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
A Share

This chapter discusses laws covering the poor, women, family, and races in the second half of the nineteenth century. The American system provided a voice, and a share in the economy to more people, and to a greater percentage of the population, than most of the Old World countries did. But decisively not everybody. Women lacked rights and were definitely the weaker sex, socially speaking. For blacks, for Native Americans, for the Chinese, for the unorganized and the powerless in general, this great democracy had little enough to offer. However, there were some changes in the late nineteenth century. A movement, staffed by volunteers, arose to make charity more “scientific,” and to bring some sort of order out of chaos. In addition, a small but enthusiastic band of people, inside and outside of government, worked hard to improve the lot of the poor and the institutions that served them.

Sigmund Freud and the Politics of Marginality

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley Rothman ◽  
Phillip Isenberg
Keyword(s):  
Sigmund Freud ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Scientific Success ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Liberal Position

Relying heavily upon Freud's greatest work, The Interpretation of Dreams, Professors Carl Schorske and William McGrath have attempted to increase our understanding of the origins of psychoanalysis. Both authors feel that the key to Freud's discoveries lies in his reaction to the sociopolitical realities of late nineteenth-century Vienna, and while the articles differ somewhat in emphasis their arguments are sufficiently similar so that they can be treated together. To Schorske and McGrath psychoanalysis had its origins in Freud's decision to give up his initial desire to mount a direct political (even revolutionary) attack on the inequities of the existing society for a “counter-political” psychology which enabled him to adjust to the existing political situation and even achieve a measure of scientific success. As a youth Freud had radical political aspirations and was even active in radical political organizations. However, the hopelessness of the liberal position in Vienna and the rise of anti-Semitic popular movements led Freud to believe that direct political action would not be successful. By reducing political conflict to father-son conflict Freud, like other liberals, would ignore the reality of the political and learn to live (albeit imperfectly) in a world which he could not influence. A career in science could bring recognition and at least partial acceptance, and thus a minimum of satisfaction at least.

Material Connections: German Schools, Things, and Soft Power in Argentina and Chile from the 1880s through the Interwar Period

2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-549
Author(s):  
H. Glenn Penny
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Cultural Hybridity ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Production And Consumption ◽  
Great Insight ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractFrom the late nineteenth century through the interwar period, the production and consumption of German things played critical roles in delineating and connecting a wide variety of German places in Latin America. Such places became ubiquitous in Chile and Argentina. They flourished because there was ample room in the German imagination for the multiplicity of German places and the cultural hybridity that accompanied them to extend beyond Imperial Germany's national boundaries and colonial possessions. They also flourished because host societies found virtue in having those German places in their states. This essay uses German schools in Argentina and Chile as a window into the emergence of such German places and the soft power that accompanied them. Scholars often overlook that power when they focus on colonial questions or formal and informal imperialism in Latin America. More than any other institution, German schools became sites where the production and consumption of German things were concentrated and multilayered, and where the consistencies and great varieties of Germanness that arrived and evolved in Latin America gained their clearest articulation. Because those schools were both centers of communities and nodes in a global pedagogical network that thrived during the interwar period, they provide us with great insight into a nexus of motivations that created German places in Latin America. Life around these schools also underscores the importance of studying immigrants and their things together.

Labor Violence in Russia in the Late Nineteenth Century

Slavic Review ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Brower
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Stress ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Factory Workers ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Labor Violence ◽  
Insight Into

Protest action accompanied by violence was widespread among Russian factory workers during the late nineteenth century. The phenomenon was noted by tsarist officials and radicals alike, but historians since then have paid little attention to the problem. This neglect has contributed to a distorted picture of the working-class movement and of the relations between Russian workers and factory and state authorities. In recent years it has become a truism to affirm that collective violence constitutes evidence of profound social stress. It is also true that the form and character of the violence in certain historical circumstances provide unique insight into the attitudes and expectations of groups, such as factory workers, otherwise unable to express their views. The violent actions of Russian workers are particularly important to an understanding of the origins of the revolutionary movement among the workers in the early twentieth century. What form did these actions take? Who were the participants, and what goals did they seek to attain? How did the incidence and nature of the actions change over the last decades of the century? Although the evidence is not abundant, answers to these questions suggest that collective violence played an important part in the working-class movement in the late nineteenth century.

scholarly journals Anti-Chinese Politics in California in the 1870s: An Intercounty Analysis

2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric W. Fong ◽  
William T. Markham
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Historical Data ◽  
Organizational Capacity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Group Workers

This article uses a combination of qualitative and quantitative historical data from all California counties to assess the efficacy of variables derived from the split labor market, cultural division of labor, and ethnic competitive models, as well as variables related to the organizational capacity of majority group workers, to predict efforts in late-nineteenth-century California to institutionalize discrimination against the Chinese through the political system. The results suggest that anti-Chinese voting and support for anti-Chinese legislation are best predicted by presence of large numbers of urbanized majority group workers and the level of organization they achieved and that this was especially true during the period of greatest conflict at the end of the 1870s.

Adamawa and Mahdism: the career of Hayatu ibn Sa'id in Adamawa, 1878–1898

1971 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Z. Njeuma
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Major Factors ◽  
The Impact

The overthrow of the Sokoto empire at the beginning of this century was facilitated by the interplay of three major factors—the internal political situation of the empire which allowed too much autonomy to the constituent emirates, the rise of Mahdism in the eastern emirates, and European (British, French and German) competition leading to invasion. Each factor was a potential cause of instability, making the task of the invading forces much easier. This article is an attempt to examine the efforts of Hayatu ibn Sa'id, great grandson of Uthman dan Fodio, to transform latent feelings of expectations of the Mahdi in the Sokoto empire into a positive movement linked to the Sudanese Mahdiyya in the late nineteenth century. It also looks at the impact of Hayatu's activities on Adamawa.

“An Urgent Need for Hygiene”

2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-124
Author(s):  
Amanda M. López
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Daily Practice ◽  
Public Works ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Siglo Xix

In 1909, the Mexico City Department of Public Works installed two crematory ovens in the capital’s municipal cemetery, the Panteón de Dolores, in culmination of a late nineteenth-century campaign by officials that advocated cremation as a modern and hygienic form of burial for all Mexicans. In practice, all classes rejected cremation and only the very poor were cremated. This essay examines the arguments for and against cremation and the implementation and daily practice surrounding cremation in Mexico City from the 1870s–1920. The establishment of cremation was part of the Porfirian project to modernize and sanitize Mexico that targeted the poor as an obstacle to progress. En 1909, el Departamento de Obras Públicas de la ciudad de México instaló dos hornos crematorios en el cementerio municipal de la capital, el Panteón de Dolores, en culminación de una campaña a finales del siglo XIX por los funcionarios que defendían la cremación como una forma moderna e higiénica de entierro para todos los mexicanos. En práctica, todas las clases rechazaron cremación y sólo los muy pobres fueron cremados. Este ensayo examina los argumentos a favor y en contra de la cremación y la implementación y la práctica diaria que rodea la cremación en la ciudad de México entre 1870–1920. El establecimiento de la cremación era parte del proyecto porfiriano de modernizar y desinfectar México que apuntó a los pobres como un obstáculo al progreso.

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