scholarly journals The Temple of St. Sava in Kosovska Mitrovica

2007 ◽  
pp. 203-219
Author(s):  
Zoran Vukadinovic
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Great Effort ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
World War ◽  
Bell Tower ◽  
New Construction ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Temple ◽  
The Town ◽  
The Church

Activity of the Serbian Orthodox Church during the enslavement under the Turks was of decisive and invaluable significance for maintaining the national spirit of the Serbian nation in the region of the Old and South Serbia. The construction of monasteries and temples, as the centers of Serbian spirituality, was the primary goal of The Serbian Orthodox Church and The Government of The Kingdom of Serbia. Kosovska Mitrovica is a small town which got its Orthodox church last. The construction of the church (1896-1921) went slowly, depending on the political and economic (mis)happenings. Anger of the Albanians, obstinacy of the Turks, two Balkan and one world war dictated the speed of the construction of the church. The project of the church (Andra Stevanovic) and of the bell-tower (Aleksandar Deroko) was also economically expensive. The executor(s) of the work, master masons from Veles and painters from Macedonia were also expensive. The church was built with the great effort of The Church Municipality and it was the spiritual center of the Serbs in Kosovska Mitrovica and its surroundings between the two world wars. The Temple of St. Sava celebrates a great jubilee on August 6, 2007 - the 110th anniversary from the beginning of its construction. The Serbs do not live in the so-called South Mitrovica, where the church, the bell-tower, the chapel and the cemetery are located. From the distance of 500 meters, the Serbs from Northern Mitrovica watch the burnt temple, destroyed chapel and broken monuments in the southern part of the town, waiting for the new construction of the church, of the chapel, of the cemetery...

scholarly journals Speak with one voice! Towards an ecumenical ethics applicable to the church-state dialogue in South Africa

2016 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Koos Vorster
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Ethical Concern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Government ◽  
Moral Discourses ◽  
The Church

This research deals with the question of whether an ecumenical ethics can be developed in South Africa that at least will be applicable in the field of political ethics and that can assist the various ecclesiastical traditions to ‘speak with one voice’ when they address the government on matters of Christian ethical concern. The research rests on the recognition of the variety of ethical persuasions and points of view that flow from the variety of hermeneutical approaches to Scripture. However, within this plethora of ethical discourses, an ‘overlapping’ ethics based on a proposed set of minimum theological ideas can be pursued in order to reach at least an outline of an applicable ecumenical political ethics conducive to the church–state dialogue in South Africa today. The article concludes that a ‘minimum consensus’ on the role of revelation in the moral discourses is possible and is enriched by traditional ideas such as creation and natural law, the reign of God and Christology, and it can provide a suitable common ground for an ecumenical ethics applicable to the moral difficulties in the political domain in South Africa today.

scholarly journals Comparative Analysis of Structure-From-Motion Software’s –An Example of Letychiv (Ukraine) Castle and Convent Buildings

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-78
Author(s):  
P. Lewińska ◽  
K. Pargieła
Keyword(s):  
Structure From Motion ◽  
Large Population ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Current State ◽  
Historical Objects ◽  
The Town ◽  
Second World ◽  
The Church ◽  
Inner Parts

Abstract Letychiv (pl. Latyczów) is a town located in central Ukraine in the Khmelnytskyi Oblast. It has a unique and complicated history. Second World War left it in ruin, destroying buildings, infrastructure and decimating its once large population. Perhaps the most prominent part of the town currently is the building Dominican convent with adjoin Letychiv Assumption Church. This object is surrounded by what is left of the previously impressive Letychiv Castle, founded by Jan Potocki in 1598. Past 30 years have been dedicated by this small Catholic parish towards rebuilding monastery-castle-church complex. Since this is an ongoing project, it was decided to perform a photographic inventory of the current state of the construction and to create a 3D digital model of the castle, facade of the church and monastery, and the altar. This task have proven to be difficult due to complicated structure of the object. Facades and inner parts of the church are almost white with limited number of distinctive elements, painted in pail gold. Elements other than white are almost identical to each other. It leads to various errors in the processing of Structure-from-motion. This article describes how various versions of SfM algorithm work thru mention difficulties, compares results in terms of accuracy, level of detail and overall look. It also describes how SfM can help to document various stages of restoration of important historical objects.

The Pyrrhic Victories of the 1920s

2020 ◽  
pp. 124-141
Author(s):  
Einar Lie
Keyword(s):  
Strong Support ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
World War ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
First World

This chapter describes Norges Bank in the 1920s. Following the chaotic years during and after the First World War, politics ceded the economic realm to institutional technocrats, represented especially by the governor of Norges Bank, Nicolai Rygg. Rygg started out with strong support from the political and intellectual milieus in his programme for restoring the pre-war value of the krone. Gradually, the support eroded. The growing labour movement and Labour Party came to represent the most important threat to Norges Bank’s policies in its final stage. Labour came out as the winner of the parliamentary election in 1927 and formed a new, short-lived government in early 1928. When the government was overthrown after a few weeks in office, the parity policy could be completed and ‘normalcy’ restored. However, Rygg and Norges Bank won a costly victory. In the aftermath, the parity policy was mainly seen as erroneous and misguided. Rygg’s active role in overthrowing the Labour government in 1928 became a formative element in the labour movement’s perceptions of Norges Bank’s and its governor’s past and future role in Norwegian society.

Soviet Atheism and Its Aftermath

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonja Luehrmann
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Engagement ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
World War ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
The Church

If Soviet atheism is a variety of secularism, it more resembles eliminationist movements viewing religions as obstacles to the political integration of citizens into the state. Before World War II, the Bolshevik government issued decrees to disentangle the state from the church. Later, Khrushchev emphasized atheism and closed churches as part of a general populist, mobilizational approach to promoting communist values. By the 1970s, religious practices were not precluded but were assigned a marginal space outside of public engagement. The post-Soviet era has seen self-reported religiosity increase, while self-reported atheism has diminished, although remaining significant. Russia’s 1997 law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations requires a denomination to exist in a region for fifteen years to enjoy the full legal and tax status. Today, Russia differentiates between “good” religions that help to promote particular moral visions and “bad” religions that create social strife, promote violence, and endanger public health.

scholarly journals THE DYNAMIC OF CACI MULTIFUNCTION IN MANGGARAI ETHNIC NOWADAYS

2020 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Karolus Budiman Jama ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Ketut Ardhana ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Local People ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

Manggaraian ethnic has a special art named Caci. The art holds and became an identity of the whole of Manggaraian. The art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. In its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. The art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in Mangggarai.  This research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. The research was done in Manggaraian ethnic of Flores. Every Caci performance has its own unique ideology. The ideology goes behind the cultural Caci performance is the ideology of fertility. The ideology goes behind the government interest of Caci performance is capitalism economy and political power.  The church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. Keywords: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity

scholarly journals XI.—Farewell Address of General Ludlow to the authorities of Vevay. Communicated by H. L. Long, Esq., through J. Y. Akerman, Esq, Secretary

Archaeologia ◽  
1853 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-115
Author(s):  
H. L. Long
Keyword(s):  
Coming Out ◽  
Market Place ◽  
The South ◽  
Large Bell ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Town ◽  
The Mansion ◽  
The Church

Among the archives of the municipality at Vevay are a few notices respecting General Ludlow. He was under constant apprehension of assassination, and by way of protection he was allowed, if necessary, to ring a large bell, suspended in an old tower, since pulled down, which stood on the edge of the lake, at the south-east corner of the market-place, and which was his first habitation at Vevay. His last abode was the house adjoining the eastern gate of the town, which is still in perfect preservation, and well known as Ludlow's residence. Until within the last few years the original inscription remained over the door; it was carved on wood in the form of a scroll, and was given by the present possessor of the mansion to an Englishman travelling through Vevay, who represented himself as a descendant of Ludlow. Permission was accorded him by the government at Berne to erect a small guardhouse in front of the house, in the lake, to watch any boat coming from Savoy; one attempt was made upon his person, as he was coming out of the church in which his ashes now repose, but was frustrated by the authorities of the town surrounding and protecting him. The permissions to ring the bell and to build the guard-house are recorded in the archives. There is also some memorandum relating to “Madame la Genérale Ludlow,” after his decease. On the 6th of June, 1832, having obtained the obliging permission of the syndic to search the records, I proceeded to their examination. One of the conseil d'etat, and the secretary, whose name was Demontel, attended me; unfortunately there was no index, and the person belonging to the establishment, said to be the only man capable of laying his hand upon anything required, happened to be absent at Orbe. So I was left to hunt along the margin for the name of Ludlow,—a tedious and somewhat unprofitable task, for I could not find all I wanted. I have a friend here, at Lausanne, who has engaged to furnish me with some particulars respecting the investigations that followed the assassination of Lisle, in the Place St. François. It would be satisfactory to discover some remnant of the papers and correspondence of the regicides, but none are known to exist, and Ludlow's widow no doubt carried off all his literary remains when she left his mortal remains in the church of St. Martin. The epitaph she put up to him is well known: so are those of Broughton and Love. Interment in the church is no longer permitted, so the old Parliamentarians are likely to have it all to themselves, and to lie there undisturbed until the “crack of Doom,” for we can hardly calculate upon churches being pulled down, and the dead pulled up, in this tranquil, neutralised, unchanging country.

scholarly journals Making a Living in the Postsocialist Periphery: Struggles between Farmers and Traders in Konso, Ethiopia

Africa ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth E. Watson
Keyword(s):  
Land Tenure ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Addis Ababa ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Ethiopian Orthodox ◽  
Policy Shifts ◽  
The Church

AbstractThis article explores the experience of one village in Ethiopia since the overthrow of the Marxist‐Leninist Derg regime in 1991. The new government introduced policies that have much in common with those dominating the international geopolitical scene in the 1990s and 2000s. These include an emphasis on democracy, grassroots participation and, to some extent, market liberalization. I report here on the manifestations of these policy shifts in Gamole village, in the district of Konso, once remote from the political centre in Addis Ababa but now expressing its identity through new federal political structures. Traditional power relations between traders and farmers in Gamole have been transformed since 1991 as the traders have exploited opportunities to extend trade links, obtain land and build regional alliances through participation in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. They have appropriated the discourse of democracy to challenge their traditional position of subordination to the farmers – and this, in turn, has led to conflict. While these changes reflect the postsocialist transition, they can also be seen as part of a continuing process of change brought about by policies of reform in land tenure, the church and the state, introduced during the Derg period. These observations at a local level in Ethiopia provide insights into the experiences of other states in postsocialist transition.

State Purchase of the Liquor Trade in the First World War

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Turner
Keyword(s):  
State Intervention ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Mythology ◽  
First World

In 1915 and again in 1917 the British government almost decided to buy out the whole of the licensed liquor trade in the United Kingdom. An examination of the circumstances in which this ambitious proposal was contemplated poses serious questions of interpretation for the historian of the first World War. The episode figures in the historiography of temperance as a missed opportunity to use the power of government to solve a longstanding social problem; this, however, was a minor part of the story. In 1915 state purchase was to have helped to reduce industrial absenteeism, and thus to increase munitions production. In 1917 it was to have conserved foodstuffs and saved shipping during the submarine crisis. It can thus be seen as yet another manifestation of ‘war socialism’: but it has two distinctive characteristics. First, the government had little understanding of the economic and social phenomena which it sought to control by assuming ownership of the liquor trade, though much political effort was put into the manoeuvre. Second, the private interests concerned were quite eager, partly because of pre-war conditions, to be expropriated for their own good as much as for the nation's benefit. It is an unexceptionable part of conventional wisdom that the first World War, like the second, was a major catalyst of change, and especially of state intervention in society. The history of state purchase shows how tenuous and haphazard the causal connexion between war and social change could be. The demands of war were (almost) translated into major state intervention, but the process was mediated by the political mythology of drink, by the operation in the political system of a powerful business pressure group, and by the shifting priorities of governments which subordinated all policy to the need to guide a war economy to victory.

scholarly journals Montenegrin Miracle: Dismantling of the M. Djukanovic’s Regime

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Core ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Eu

Theme of the paper: the confrontation between the government and opposition forces with regard to the parliamentary elections of August 30, 2020. The paper analyzes the factors behind the opposition's first victory through the prism of the thirty year-long period. The author gives credit to the MontenegrinPrimorye Metropolia of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which made a decisive contribution to the defeat of the incumbent authorities, i.e. the politically disoriented President and the government who entered into conflict with the hierarchs through their arrogant and short-sighted monopoly rule. It was precisely the Church circles led by the late Metropolitan Amphilochius who managed to consolidate the ever-quarreling opposition, give them a new promising leader and offer an effective political platform that made the unification of the proEuropean and Pro-Serbian parts of the opposition possible. The paper examines the international reaction to the transfer of power and its internal and foreign policy consequences. Chances of the new Cabinet of experts summoned by Zdravko Krivokapic to complete a full time are not too high. The trouble of the present coalition is not only its slim – by only one Assembly mandate – majority. The majority itself is extremely fragile, since the leaders of the Democratic Front, which forms the core of its pro-Serbian part, do not hide their feeling of being deceived and deprived of the division of trophies. Thereby they consider holding a snap parliamentary election almost a single task of the Cabinet. However, the government is already able to start dismantling the existing authoritarian regime of Milo Djukanovic. As far as its foreign policy is concerned it can be assumed that the new authorities would try to normalize relations with Serbia and Russia, deliberately damaged by Milo Djukanovic, but the fundamentals of the priority relations with the EU and NATO will remain unchanged.

scholarly journals Protocol of the Penza Diocesan Congress of the Clergy and Laity

2020 ◽  
pp. 149-180
Author(s):  
Радомир (Роман) Владимирович Булдаков
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Tendency ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Church Organization ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Local Council ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Church

В настоящей публикации представлен ранее нигде не публиковавшийся Протокол Пензенского епархиального съезда духовенства и мирян, который проходил с 25 апреля по 1 мая 1917 г. Он отражает общее настроение рядового духовенства и мирян Русской Православной Церкви начала XX в. на примере конкретной епархии. Пензенский Съезд проходил одновременно с аналогичными Съездами многих других епархиальных центров, чьи постановления получили своё развитие на Всероссийском Съезде духовенства и мирян в Москве и далее на Поместном Соборе Православной Российской Церкви 1917- 1918 гг. Вопросы, рассматриваемые участниками Пензенского Съезда, касались как общецерковных проблем, так и внутренних дел самой епархии; часть постановлений вошла в состав решений Поместного Собора. Количество вопросов, поднятых на Съезде, превышает два десятка и относится к самым разным сферам церковно-государственных и церковно-общественных отношений, а также к внутренним преобразованиям самой Церкви, одновременно олицетворяя общую тенденцию к Её обновлению и являясь следствием этих перемен. Но среди них важнейшими, по мнению делегатов Съезда, считались вопросы об отношении к происходящим в стране политическим событиям и о поэтапной реформе церковной организации, начиная с прихода и заканчивая уровнем Поместной Российской Церкви. This publication presents the previously unpublished Protocol of the Penza Diocesan Congress of the Clergy and Laity, which took place from April 25 to May 1, 1917. It reflects the general mood of ordinary clergy and laity of the Russian Orthodox Church at the beginning of the 20th century by the example of a specific diocese. The Penza Congress was held simultaneously with similar Congresses of many other diocesan centers, whose resolutions were developed at the AllRussian Congress of Clergy and Laity in Moscow and further at the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1917-1918. The issues considered by the participants of the Penza Congress concerned both general church problems and the internal affairs of the diocese itself; some of the decisions were included in the decisions of the Local Council. The number of issues raised at the Congress exceeds two dozen and relates to the most diverse spheres of church-state and church-social relations, as well as to the internal transformations of the Church itself, at the same time embodying the general tendency towards Her renewal and being a consequence of these changes. But among them the most important, in the opinion of the Congress delegates, were the questions about the attitude to the political events taking place in the country and about the gradual reform of church organization, from the parish level to the level of the Local Russian Church.

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