National and International Control of Foreign Investments

1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 704-713 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter H. C. Laves

In the course of the last eight years, economists and political scientists in the United States have become increasingly aware of problems created by government influence on private foreign investments. For an understanding of these problems, they have turned to an analysis of the experiences of England, France, and Germany before the World War and of the United States since. But little attention has been given to the implications of control of foreign investments for international organization. It is the purpose of this paper (1) to summarize the nature of the control in each country; (2) to outline the theory underlying government control; (3) to point to the international effects of this control; and (4) to propose certain changes which are necessary to bring this aspect of state policy into line with recent developments of international organization.In a sense, it is inaccurate to speak of government control in England, because the influence exerted by the government there was not in the nature of regulation. The relationship between government and bankers was one as different from legal control as is the theory of the common law from that of the civil law. That is to say, there was no statute on the basis of which the government influenced the outward flow of capital. Such relationship as there was, such similarity of policy as existed between finance and government, depended upon the existence of an accord which was the result of a common heritage and a common purpose.

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (11) ◽  
pp. 2469-2484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharif Mowlabocus

This article reflects upon recent developments in sex offender tracking and monitoring. Taking as its focus a suite of mobile applications available for use in the United States, the author explores the impact and consequences of remediating the data held by State offender databases. The article charts the recent history of techno-corrections as it applies to this category of criminal, before then undertaking an analysis of current remediation of this legally obtained data. In doing so, the author identifies how the recontextualizing of data serves to (re)negotiate the relationship between the user, the database and registered sex offenders. The author concludes by arguing that the (mobile) mapping of offender databases serves to obscure the original intentions of these recording mechanisms and might hinder their effectiveness in reducing sex offending.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-448
Author(s):  
Cláudio Júnior Damin

O artigo aborda a relação existente entre guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos. O artigo foca na análise do caso da Guerra do Iraque iniciada em março de 2003 durante os mandatos de George W. Bush. Esse conflito insere-se no contexto dos ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, sendo parte constitutiva da chamada “guerra global contra o terrorismo”. A primeira hipótese de trabalho é a de que inicialmente e reproduzindo padrões históricos anteriores, a guerra foi amplamente aprovada pela população norte-americana, processo que se prolongou por alguns meses e influenciou decisivamente para a reeleição do presidente republicano em 2004. Como segunda hipótese assevera-se que, passado algum tempo, o humor da opinião pública sofreu uma inflexão, diminuindo a aprovação popular à guerra e tendo como importante desdobramento a derrota dos republicanos na eleição de 2008, com o conflito ainda em curso. Espera-se mostrar, portanto, como a Guerra do Iraque pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas, sendo a primeira de bônus para o governo de George W. Bush e seus correligionários republicanos e a outra de ônus a partir do crescimento do número de baixas militares norte-americanas e da crise de credibilidade do governo no que concerne às perspectivas de vitória definitiva no conflito.Abstract: The article discusses the relationship between war and public opinion in the United States. The article focuses on the analysis of the case of the Iraq War that began in March 2003 during the administration of George W. Bush. This conflict is within the context of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, being a constituent part of the "Global War on Terrorism." The first hypothesis is that initially and reproducing previous historical standards, the war was widely approved by the American population, a process that was prolonged for a few months and influenced decisively to the re-election of Republican president in 2004. As a second hypothesis asserts that, after some time, the mood of public opinion has undergone a shift, reducing the public approval of the war and with the important effect the defeat of the Republicans in the 2008 election. It is expected, therefore, to show how the Iraq War can be divided into two distinct phases, with the first bonus for the George W. Bush and his fellow Republicans and other liens being from the growing number of U.S. military casualties and the crisis of credibility of the government with regard to the prospects of ultimate victory in the conflict.


2012 ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Brian Gugerty ◽  
Michael J. Maranda

This chapter explores the application of Information Technology to healthcare in the United States. Recent developments and trends in healthcare information technology (HIT) are presented and discussed. Widespread adoption of HIT promises to save lives, save money, and improve health. Definitions, descriptions, and examples of electronic health records (EHRs) and personal health records (PHRs) are provided. The significant efforts to broadly and meaningfully adopt HIT over the next several years are discussed. The significant challenges in implementing EHRs are discussed, including transformation of clinical processes. Finally, the impact of HIT on the concept of ownership of the healthcare record and how it may change the relationship between the patient and healthcare provider are explored. Implementing effective HIT on a nationwide scale will require considerable effort.


Author(s):  
Milton Vickerman

Abstract In 1981 the ATF, FBI, and U.S. Customs Service agents arrested a group of American and Canadian White nationalists as they were on their way to overthrow the government of Dominica. Although seemingly improbable, the event is important because it illustrates the hegemonic nature of the relationship between the United States and Caribbean countries and, also, the globalization of White nationalist violence. In this paper I show that extant theory on White nationalism can be used to explain the White nationalist plot. In particular, I invoke the concept of Lebensraum and the fact that White nationalists espouse multiple objectives—in addition to racism—to explain their intent to subvert a Black country and to live there.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-118
Author(s):  
Idean Salehyan

According to conventional wisdom, states have a monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territories, and delegate its operation to closely held state agents such as the military and police. Yet when faced with insurgencies, states often enlist the support of paramilitary organizations or militias. The competence–control tradeoff is especially stark in these cases, as states depend on capable militias to fight insurgents, but also risk losing control over them. This chapter examines the tradeoff in light of the relationship between militia groups and the Iraqi government. To bring a semblance of security to Iraq, both the United States and the Iraqi government used paramilitary groups such as the Sons of Iraq and the Kurdish Peshmerga. Following the withdrawal of US troops, the government has become increasingly beholden to Shia militias, yet the case defies a simple, sectarian logic. This chapter examines the choice of governance strategy vis-à-vis militias in Iraq, and changes in that strategy over time, providing insights into the governor’s dilemma, counterinsurgency strategy, and state formation.


1929 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-31
Author(s):  
Manley O. Hudson

Whatever may be the present attitude of the people of the United States toward the League of Nations, it now seems clear that the Government of the United States has come to feel the necessity for such an international organization. For several years past, official American coöperation with the League has steadily increased. The situation has now developed to a point where the current formulae for explaining the official attitude are to some extent misleading, and it may serve a useful purpose to trace the changes which have occurred since 1920, to survey the situation as it now exists, and to forecast some of the probabilities for the future.Let us start with the fact that the United States has not ratified the Covenant of the League of Nations and has not accepted the place provided for her in the Assembly and the Council of the League. It is beside the present purpose to explain that fact, to attempt to say whether it is due to drift or to design, or to offer any argument for changing it. Whatever the seven millions of voters who constituted President Harding's majority in 1920 may have desired at that time, the Government of the United States has since interpreted their votes as a determination that the United States should not accept membership in the League, and it has proceeded on the theory that that issue is closed. But if this fact is to be taken as the starting-point, there still remains a question as to the account to be taken by the Government of the United States of other important facts, viz., that the League of Nations continues to exist, that more than fifty governments are vigorously pushing its work and effecting through it their coöperative action, and that much of the organized international life of our time is centered at Geneva.


2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
David G. Haglund

Recent developments in the technology of weaponry have brought about a reconsideration of the "geopolitical" importance of Canadian northern spaces to the physical-security interests of the two superpowers, and especially of the United States. Those technological developments have been apparent in three areas : ballistic missile defence (BMD), nuclear-propelled (and sometimes-armed) submarines, and air-launched cruise missiles (ALCM). Both the BMD and nuclear-submarine issues have generated much debate of late in Canada ; considerably less attention has been accorded the analysis of developments in the domain of the ALCM. It is with this latter weapon-system and in particular with the manner in which Washington regards Soviet ALCMs, that this article is concerned. Argued here is the view that the perceived Soviet ALCM threat has been of major importance in the recent modernization of North American air-defence Systems. In addition to discussing the development and consequences of Soviet ALCMs, this article also explores the extent to which technological transformations in weapons-systems might also have the effect of achieving conceptual transformations in strategic analysis. A major sub-theme of the article is the contention that technological variables have been occasioning a reconsideration of the manner in which theorists of international relations and strategic studies have been assessing the relationship between geographical configuration and the perceived strategic significance of states. The article observes that the once-moribund field of "geopolitics" has been undergoing a modest revival among theorists, in part because of changes in those weapons technologies in discusses.


Author(s):  
Chris Naticchia

This chapter will examine the extent (if any) to which sovereign power and executive authority may be justifiably exercised through secret laws. Generally speaking, social contract views reject such secrecy—insisting instead that laws must be public. In opposition to this apparent view of the social contract tradition, we have recent developments in the United States. These developments go beyond mere government attempts to classify information or to bar disclosure of intelligence-gathering methods or capabilities. They also include maintaining secrecy in the law through which the government exercises the authority it claims. For example, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court issues classified rulings, creating a body of secret law that determines, by implication, which surveillance activities are consistent, and which inconsistent, with the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable searches without a particularized warrant based on probable cause. This chapter will argue that the social contract tradition itself may contain resources for defending these sorts of actions. It will explore whether paternalistic principles, whose scope is determined through contractarian reasoning, might be able to account for some government secrecy that extends beyond classifying information and protecting intelligence methods and capabilities to maintaining secrecy in some governing laws themselves. The question would be whether such limited paternalism—limited to cases involving “infirmities” of our reason or will—may be justifiably expanded to cover cases where those infirmities are absent, but where typical citizens may simply be “squeamish” about the judgments that certain executive decisions require.


Author(s):  
Brian Gugerty ◽  
Michael J. Maranda

This chapter explores the application of Information Technology to healthcare in the United States. Recent developments and trends in healthcare information technology (HIT) are presented and discussed. Widespread adoption of HIT promises to save lives, save money, and improve health. Definitions, descriptions, and examples of electronic health records (EHRs) and personal health records (PHRs) are provided. The significant efforts to broadly and meaningfully adopt HIT over the next several years are discussed. The significant challenges in implementing EHRs are discussed, including transformation of clinical processes. Finally, the impact of HIT on the concept of ownership of the healthcare record and how it may change the relationship between the patient and healthcare provider are explored. Implementing effective HIT on a nationwide scale will require considerable effort.


Author(s):  
Nicholas M. Ohanesian

This chapter addresses collective bargaining and workforce protections available in professional sports. Broadly speaking, collective bargaining in the United States is a workplace arrangement where employees opt to negotiate as a group with their employer through a labor union. The two parties typically negotiate an agreement, commonly called a collective bargaining agreement, that codifies for the length of the contract the rights and responsibilities of each side. Conversely, the term “workforce protections” injects the government into the employer-employee relationship. Federal and state authorities pass laws that regulate the relationship between employers and employees in the workplace. As this chapter explains, these dynamics play out in both traditional and unique ways in U.S. professional sports.


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