Information Furnished by the Mercure Galant on the French Provincial Academies in the Seventeenth Century

PMLA ◽  
1935 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 444-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Elizabeth Storer

The documentary value of the Mercure galant, the review founded in 1672, which La Bruyère considered to be “directement au-dessous de rien,” has not ceased to increase with the passage of time. Interspersed among frivolous poems, conundrums, descriptions of festivals and of styles, one finds announcements of new books, of military campaigns, and (what interests us here particularly) accounts, often filled with picturesque detail, of the foundation and the sessions of literary bodies organized in the provinces in the seventeenth century, in imitation of the French Academy. Some of these still have vigorous existence. In most instances, the Mercure is the chief source of information on these early years, and, strangely enough, has been neglected by the historians of the provincial academies.

Although the liquid-in-glass thermometer came into use either in the last decade of the sixteenth or during the early years of the seventeenth century (1), it was not until the eighteenth century that reproducible scales of temperature were established, arising from the work of Fahrenheit (2), Reaumur (3) and Celsius (4). So far as eighteenth-century chemists were concerned, the upper limit of temperature to which the liquid-in-glass thermometer could be used was set by the boiling point of mercury, at that time assumed to be 600 °F (5). In the latter half of the seventeenth century any temperatures attained in chemical operations could be indicated only by reference to a scale comprising some seven ‘degrees of heat’. In the middle to upper ranges, for example, to quote from Glaser’s The Compleat Chymist , the third ‘degree’ was that of hot ashes; the fourth ‘degree’ was that of hot sand, and the fifth that of hot iron filings; the sixth ‘degree’ was attained in the closed reverberatory charcoal fire, and the seventh and highest ‘degree’ was the ‘Flaming-Fire or Fire of Fusion’, made with wood or charcoal (6).


1987 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-236
Author(s):  
Frank Salmon

THERE EXISTS, in Harleian MS. 7553 of the British Library, a set of seventeenSpiritual1 Sonnettes to the honour of God and hys Sayntes by H. C..In his 1812 edition of the manuscript, Thomas Park attributed these poems to the Elizabethan courtier-poet and later recusant Henry Constable on the grounds of the ‘regular Italian structure, and the sainted names of those addressed’.’ Three years later, in hisHeliconia,Park substantiated his attribution by reference to Constable's known Roman Catholicism and to a recantation found at the end of his secular sonnet cycleDianain Dyce MS. 44: ‘When I had ended this last sonet and found that such vayne poems as I had by idle houres writ did amounte iust to the climatericall number 63, me thought it was high tyme for my follie to die and to employe the remnant of my wit to other calmer thoughts lesse sweet and lesse bitter’. The Dyce manuscript-like the Harleian-is not in Constable's own hand, and one scholar has recently thrown doubt on the authenticity of the recantation. Nevertheless, theSpirituall Sonnetteshave without question continued to be considered as Constable's following Park's broad biographical and stylistic outline. The Harleian manuscript appears to date from the early years of the seventeenth century, and this has been assumed to be the likely date of composition for the sonnets as well.


Author(s):  
Manuel Escalona Jiménez

La petición de cantidades extraordinarias de dinero bajo la denominación de donativos, para atender a los gatos derivados sobre todo del mantenimiento de las tropas durante las campañas militares y el abastecimiento de la Armada, fue una costumbre puesta en práctica a partir del reinado de Felipe II y continuada por sus sucesores. En el reinado de Carlos II se quiso suavizar la presión fiscal, eliminando las peticiones extraordinarias de dinero. Pero cuando surgían los conflictos bélicos el único recurso posible era el donativo, pues el resto de las cantidades recaudadas estaban ya empeñadas en otros menesteres. La ciudad de Sevilla, que se había caracterizado por la generosidad de los donativos ofrecidos al rey, no disponía ya durante la época de Carlos II del poder económico de antaño y tenía grandes dificultades para recaudar las cantidades ofrecidas y hacer frente al mismo tiempo a los donativos del reinado anterior aún pendientes, ya que los arbitrios que se imponían no daban el fruto apetecido. Por lo tanto, al final del siglo xvii no quedó otra solución que la de limitar al máximo esta forma de contribución extraordinaria a la Monarquía.The request for an extra amount of money, called donativo, in order to meet the expenses originated by the maintenance of troops during military campaigns and the suppiying of the Navy, was a practice held from Philipp ITs reign and continued by his sucessors. In Charles II's reign, a lessening of tax pression was intended, by means of removing the requests of extra money. But, in the occasion of war conflicts, the only possible resources were the donativos, because the other taxes had been already used for other needs. Seville, which would stand out for the generosity of its donativos, had not the same economic power as in past times, and was in great trouble to collect the money for the new and the oíd financial help granted to the king, because the taxes did not produce the expected results. Therefore, at the end of the seventeenth century there was no other solution but reducing to the máximum this way of extra contribution to the Monarchy.


Author(s):  
VK Preston

This chapter approaches dance archives and reenactment through analyses of the use of precious metals in drawings of dancers by the seventeenth-century French artist Daniel Rabel. Examining the artist’s album at the Louvre, Preston studies the visual effects of images and materials, testifying to French reimaginings of Indigenous performance practices in early seventeenth-century ballets in Paris. Turning to verse and livrets by René Bordier and Claude de l’Estoile, a founding member of the French Academy, she relates Rabel’s drawings to Andean dance, theater, and performance traditions in Cuzco, Peru. The Ballet de la Douairière de Billebahaut (1626) stages the Inca emperor Atahualpa (“Atabalipa”) as an effigy, satirizing Spanish colonial ambitions. Her approach situates global and trans-Atlantic circulations of performance in major works in the early archives of theatrical ballet in France, addressing reenactment through the work of spectatorship and its ties to archives of conquest.


1960 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-382
Author(s):  
Harold Spencer Jones

This year the Royal Society celebrates the third centenary of its foundation. In this paper Sir Harold Spencer Jones, the late Astronomer Royal, who was the Institute's first President, describes the early years of the Society and shows how closely some of its work was related to navigation.For some two thousand years, until well into the seventeenth century, the writings of the ancient Greek philosophers, and in particular those of Aristotle, were regarded as the supreme fountain of wisdom and the source of all knowledge. The break with the Aristotelian dogma may be said to have started with the publication by Copernicus in 1543 of his De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestium whereby the Earth was displaced from proud position as the centre of the Universe, fixed and immovable, and asserted to be not only rotating around an axis but also to be merely one of a system of planets revolving around the Sun as a centre. Copernicus had refrained for thirty years from publishing his theory as he knew that it would be received with ridicule, not merely because it was not in accordance with Aristotelian dogma but also because it would be held to be against the Scriptures. The Copernican theory met, in fact, with widespread opposition and more than a century elapsed before it came to be generally accepted; for long it was regarded as merely a convenient mathematical representation of the motions of the planets without any true physical basis.


2002 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 173-183
Author(s):  
Anne Laurence

Godly women from noble, gentry, mercantile, and clerical families were much commemorated at their deaths in funeral sermons. Apart from preaching on a suitable text, ministers commonly gave an account of the life of the deceased, describing, amongst other things, how she passed her time. Godly lives from sermons for men outlined the course of their careers, stressing their public activities, the manner in which they took religion out into the world and engaged with worldly matters; those for women followed a formula describing the deceased’s childhood, virtuous education, marriage, performance as wife, mother, mistress of servants, hospitality (especially if the woman was the wife of a minister), and charitable work, and enumerated her merits in these roles. Instead of recounting the events of their whole lives, ministers dwelt upon the women’s daily routine of pious practices, with variations for the Sabbath or days on which they took communion. The convention of de mortuis nil nisi bonum was strictly observed, but the edificatory nature of the life was also an important element in the telling of it. Sometimes sermon titles acknowledged this, otherwise they referred to the good death of the deceased or, if they were published to improve the career prospects of the preacher, they referred to the text upon which he had preached.Women were praised for following Daniel’s practice, the practice for which he was thrown into the lions’ den. This was to kneel upon his knees, three times a day, and pray and give thanks before his God. In the early years of the seventeenth century, Mrs Mary Gunter, companion to Lettice, Countess of Leicester, ‘resolved upon Daniels Practice’. ‘Besides Family duties, which were performed twice every day, by the Chaplain …. And besides the private Prayers which she daily read in her Ladies Bed-Chamber, she was thrice on her Knees every day before God in secret.’ Lady Elizabeth Langham’s ‘constant retirements’ for her devotions in the 1660s ‘were answerable to Daniels thrice a day’.


2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Walker

Focuses on an important but overlooked building in late seventeenth-century London: the College of Physicians on Warwick Lane designed by the scientist and architect Robert Hooke in the 1670s. The building, which was commissioned in response to the previous college’s destruction in the Great Fire of London in 1666, was itself demolished in the nineteenth century. In this article, Matthew Walker argues that the conception and design of Hooke’s college had close links with the early Royal Society and its broader experimental philosophical program. This came about through the agency of Hooke—the society’s curator—as well as the prominence of the college’s physicians in the experimental philosophical group in its early years. By analyzing Hooke’s design for the college, and its prominent anatomy theater in particular, this article thus raises broader questions about architecture’s relationship with medicine and experimental science in early modern London.


1916 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Benson Botts

English constitutional history, since the beginning of the political revolution in the seventeenth century, has been the subject of study of every civilized nation. This wide spread interest has resulted in a thorough search through English documents for every available source of information. There is however one field of English insitutuional history that has received little attention, that is the development of English vivil parish before the seventeenth century. The origin of the parish in both civil and ecclesiastical forms has recieved some notice from the older constitutional writers, and recently has been made the subject of special studies. The Elizabethan parish has been fully treated in the general works and in monographs dealing with special functions. However, no writer has attempted to trace the consecutive development of the civil parish from its origin to the heighth of its activity in the seventeenth century. This development is peculiarly important from the standpoint of the growth of English nationalism, yet is has been entirely overlooked. (1)


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Barbara Hryszko

The aim of this article is to present the circumstances of Noël Coypel’s appointment as rector of the French Academy in Rome and to trace the route of his didactic journey from Paris to Rome with the Prix de Rome scholars entrusted to him. The paper is an attempt to answer the following questions: why a more difficult route through the Alps was chosen (and not, for example, a river and sea route), in what way was the journey educational, and what role did the documents given to Coypel play in securing the expedition. The article is based on an analysis of administrative records during the reign of Louis XIV, lists of superintendents and directors of the French Academy in Rome, accounts of royal buildings, and minutes of the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture in Paris. The paper uses the analytical method, the comparative method, the synthetic method, source criticism, argumentum ex silentio inference, and the geographical method when discussing the itinerary. Although the trip was purposeful and related to Coypel’s new position, he designed it in such a way as to not so much get to the destination quickly, but to show his students as much as possible. Coypel introduced the royal scholars to masterpieces of painting and sculpture at centers along a route through Dijon, Lyon, Chambéry, the Mont Cenis Pass, Turin, Milan, Bologna and Florence. The crossing of the Alps, though dangerous, was most often chosen because of the artistic reputation of the cities there. The trip was educational at the expense of comfort or safety. Coypel, as a guide and teacher (paidagōgós – παιδαγωγός) led his charges by overseeing their learning during and through the journey. Wandering to the Eternal City was part of a painter’s education (paideía – παιδεία) in the seventeenth century and was part of Coypel’s didactic work allowing young people to be inspired by direct exposure to masterpieces. The journey had an eminently didactic and artistic character, but also an initiatory one, as it gradually initiated and prepared the students for the experience of Rome, the center of artistic life at that time.


The Perraults ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Oded Rabinovitch

The second chapter analyzes the Perrault family strategy up to about 1660. Initially, the Perraults had no connections to literary life, and they were involved in legal professions. However, the status of lawyers was declining in the last years of the sixteenth century and early years of the seventeenth century, and the careers of the couple’s sons represented attempts to diversify the family’s educational and professional investments. Most significantly, Pierre II developed a career in the monarchy’s financial administration, built on the venality of office. Responding to the monarchy’s thirst for cash, financiers like Pierre played a high-stake game: while they could go bankrupt, they also stood to make immense profits from loans to the monarchy and from tax collecting. Thus this chapter demonstrates the importance of “court capitalism” and office-holding to the first literary endeavors of the family.


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