The Poor First

Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

This chapter focuses on an influential post in June of 2011 by a blogger named Muhammad Abu al-Ghayt. Abu al-Ghayt's post frames class by reference to ʻashwa'iyyat, literally “haphazard” neighborhoods, meaning specifically the informal neighborhoods that were mentioned in the previous chapter as the social location of a substantial number of the fighters in street battles. In the imaginary of elites, many members of the middle class, and more than a few media professionals ʻashwa'iyyat are discursively marginal, or even liminal in the sense that they are often depicted as a morally compromised urban instantiation of precarious lives—morally compromised because of the alleged social pathologies that go with precarity, such as drug abuse, crime, and fanaticism. That sense of precarity, moreover, is an effect of the neoliberal ideology that formed the economic and social conditions of the revolution. Abu al-Ghayt never uses the term “neoliberal,” but the ʻashwa'iyyat were as much a product of it as the luxury housing developments that absorbed so much of the state's resources for the benefit of elites. Both the discursive sense of ʻashwa'iyyat as the urban expression of precarity and its associated pathologies, and the neoliberal order that structured poverty and wealth in the decades leading up to the revolution, are implicitly invoked by Abu al-Ghayt in his blog.

1982 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 564-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Nettleship

Contemporaries and historians alike have regarded the 1880s as a watershed in Victorian thought. They have argued that before the 1880s the well-to-do held firmly to a belief in Political Economy and attributed economic success to the high moral character and hard work of the individual. By the 1880s these beliefs had begun to waver, and many who had themselves prospered from the new economic system began to question its assumptions and develop a sense of responsibility toward those beneath them in the social order. One institution which seems to represent this change is Toynbee Hall, the first English settlement house, founded in 1884. Headed by a middle-class clergyman, Samuel Barnett, staffed by well-educated and well-to-do volunteers and dedicated to bringing education and culture to the poor, it seems to be an example, par excellence, of the newly heightened middle-class social conscience typical of the 1880s.2 But close examination reveals that the origins of Toynbee Hall date back to the 1870s, to the broad church orientation and parish practices of Samuel Barnett. Rooted in his modest day-to-day pastoral work rather than in new concepts of social justice, Toynbee Hall raises the question of whether in fact the 1880s constitute a great divide in Victorian thought or a period of continuation, expansion and institutionalisation of earlier ideas and practices.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurul Istiqomah

Ayyām fī Bābā 'Amrū novel by Abdullah Maksūr is one of novels that came out after the Arab Spring that hit Syria. The revolution in Syria occurred because of the people's desire to overthrow al-Assad regime which had been in power for decades. Demonstrations in Syria then ended into a civil war that never ended until now. This novel takes the story of the condition of Syrian society after the Syrian revolution erupted in 2011 and describes the conflict between the military and the Syrian people. This study aims to reveal the social conditions experienced by Syrians of the Syrian revolution based on data in the Ayyām fī Bābā 'Amrū novel, the social reality of Syrian society, and the relationship between the structure of the text and the social reality of Syrian society. The theory used in this study is Alan Swingewood's the sociology of literature theory with the concept that literary work is a mirror of the age. The method used is the literary of sociology method which is a moving method of literary data. The results of this study indicate that there are several causes of the Syrian revolution mentioned in the novel, such as the desire to be free from a regime that has been in power for decades, corruptions, inspired by other Arab countries, and a long-held hatred. The social conditions experienced by the Syrian people during the revolution were experiencing intimidation from the military, the people were arrested without any fault, some Syrians were tortured in military prisons, shootings, bombings and chaos in several cities, some girls experienced sexual harassment, the people were divided between supporting the regime or opposition, and most Syrians flee to neighboring countries. The social condition that occurs in the novel is a representation of the social reality that occurred in Syrian society after the revolution in 2011.


Author(s):  
Obiora C. Okafor ◽  
Okechukwu J. Effoduh

This chapter examines the extent to which the human rights case-law of the Community Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States is either pro-elite or pro-poor. Without assuming that “pro-human rights” necessarily translates to “pro-poor,” the chapter discusses how the Court functions more as a resource for local pro-poor activists than as a tool in the hands of anti-poor elements. The chapter conceptualizes expressions such as “the poor,” “sovereign hurdles,” “brainy relays,” and “flipped strategic social constructivism” to undergird its analysis. For example, the authors analyze the extent to which activists’ forces, acting as brainy relays, co-created and enhanced normative resources in a process styled in the chapter as “flipped strategic social constructivism.” The chapter also demonstrates the ways in which the court has been a valuable resource to the domestic activist forces who together with the Court have worked to advance the social conditions of the West African poor. Finally, the chapter examines the gaps that militate against such pro-poor activism.


2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Laliberté

The author looks into the revival of Buddhist philanthropy in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the last decade. It seeks to tackle the wider question of the social utility of religion in the eyes of the political authorities and to assess the extent to which recent debates on secularization theory may be relevant to the Chinese situation. The emergence of Buddhist philanthropy is coinciding with considerable changes in political, economic and social conditions, characterized by state disengagement from the provision of social services. The author describes various organizations offering assistance to the poor, as well as certain services related to healthcare and education. Yet this rise in Buddhist philanthropy should not be seen as evidence of a “resacralization” process in China because the communist Party-State continues its policy of manifest secularization.


Tekstualia ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (34) ◽  
pp. 171-188
Author(s):  
László F. Földényi ◽  
Kinga Piotrowiak-Junkiert

The article concentrates on two topics: the special signifi cance of Márai’s Journals in his oeuvre and the fi gure of the patrician, often evoked by the Hungarian writer in his texts. For Márai, the journal was the realm of inner emigration, free from pre-war Hugary’s anti-semitic policy and from the limitations of journalism or prose fi ction. His journal notes are characterized as a new, experimental literary form, transcending the genre. The persona of the Journals can be compared to Marcus Aurelius, the ancient spokesman for patrician stoicism, which has been described by the Hungarian writer as „the greatest consolation” in war times, justifying his inner emigration. The question is whether the fi gure of the indifferent patrician was ethically fair in the epoch of genocides. However, Márai’s stoical attitude toward the reality cannot be perceived a sign of self-isolation. His vision of culture was unreal, considering the social conditions of twentieth-century Hungary. In the context of pre-war Western culture, where the ethos of the middle-class already seemed anachronistic, Márai emerges as „the last patrician”.


Author(s):  
Sarwan Saukhi Mafazi

This book tells about a young man of noble descent who lived a simple life and lived among the poor during the struggle of Prince Antawirya or better known as Prince Diponegoro in Central Java. The Java War or De Java Oorlog (Netherlands) was a major and comprehensive war that lasted for five years (1825-1830) which took place in Java, between the Dutch colonial forces under the leadership of General De Kock against the indigenous population led by a Yogyakarta prince named Prince Diponegoro. or who in this novel is referred to as Kangjeng Sultan Ngabdulkamid. This war was one of the biggest battles experienced by the Dutch during colonizing the archipelago. Where the victims of this war reached two hundred thousand more dead. This war involved the entire Java region, so this war is called the Java War. However, this book does not explain in depth about the Javanese war and also does not explain the life or struggle of a hero like Prince Diponegoro, but this book tells the history from another person's point of view about the personal life of a young Dipanegaran laskar follower and the social conditions of society in the past. the Javanese battle.


1967 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Maccoby

The author discusses an interdisciplinary social science course which dealt with poverty in America and emphasized the relation between social science generalizations and the students' own experience. Samples from the students' oral and written work illustrate the effects of the course on the middle-class and the poor students.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 463-468
Author(s):  
Eko Yudhistira ◽  
Syafruddin Kalo

Community social problems such as gambling, drinking, drug abuse, which is hereinafter referred to as social disease, are a problem that will be continuously faced in big cities and in areas such as rural areas. These social ills are generally experienced by young people (productive age). This will certainly be a new obstacle for the progress of a nation. Young people who are in the productive age group will spend a lot of time and opportunity when they are involved in the social ills of the community. Therefore we need joint steps from the central government, regional government, private sector, community, family and others to find solutions to problems that occur. Community service activities in Jati Rejo Village, Pagar Merbau Sub-District, Deli Serdang Regency are intended to find out the development of social conditions in the village and provide legal counseling about community social ills to communities in Jati Rejo village with the hope that the community will be more introspective and aware not to be involved in various activities that are against the law.


2020 ◽  
pp. 145-160
Author(s):  
Kate Bradley

The settlement movement in England brought about and worked in tandem with other reformist movements: such as the spread of ‘poor man’s lawyer’ services. The provision of these free legal advice clinics was a means of usefully applying the legal skills of residents at male-led settlements, as well as creating a form of social work that was acceptable for upper- and middle-class men to do.  Settlement provision of legal advice also closely intersected with the social work they undertook, from direct interventions in helping needy families, to training social workers in aspects of law, as well as to seeing legal advice as a key element in community development.


Author(s):  
Barbara Stentz

This chapter analyses metaphorical and formal aspects of satirical representations of bodily functions related to digestion and evacuation (indigestions, winds, belches, enemas, etc.) and their political overtones in graphic satire. Beyond the burlesque tradition, a large belly that attracts the eye can be evocative of the social and political tensions of the time. A traditional sign of opulence, power and wealth, the oversized belly signals the opposition and unbalanced relations between the rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless. In England, caricatures often portrayed greedy, potbellied physicians, while in France the revolutionary caricaturists used the belly as the symbol of the degeneration and of the moral and physical slackening of some of their adversaries. This iconography from the early times of the revolution shows a reversal after a while, as protruding bellies became unacceptable and depreciated and had to be corrected by radical treatments.


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