scholarly journals Ah, the Roads! Or how Demagogic Ideologemes Work

Author(s):  
L. A. Agrba

This article is an attempt to show how the means of manipulative construction of political reality work on a single example of ideological concept of “road protection”, used a quarter of a century ago by the Georgian authorities as a pretext for a military invasion of Abkhazia. The study revealed that such ideologemes initiate a certain socio-behavioral reflection and allow the aggressor country, under the guise of pseudo-human goals, to carry out both “soft” (humanitarian) and direct (military) expansion. The concept of ideology has acquired special significance for modern political linguistics, and today, in the era of hybrid wars, its analysis and study are more relevant than ever. The aim of the study is to analyze the ideology of “road protection” which highlights the manipulative conceptual features and to prove its demagogic nature. To achieve this goal, we will turn to the events of August 1992 and try to understand the symbolic and ideological concept of “road protection”, used as a lingua-pragmatic background of expansion. The goal is to understand how to use ideological cliches in the minds of the implemented setup, and create unnecessary political mood which enabled the Georgian authorities to implement, not condemned by the international community, the military invasion of the territory of Abkhazia. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time it introduces and actualizes the concept of demagogic ideology. We define demagogic ideology as a populist-propaganda stamp, manifested itself in a certain historical period as a reality, and characterized by imperativeness and, most importantly, simulativeness. Such ideological cliches are thrown in political discourse with the aim to lull the vigilance and urging them on to obviously incorrect conclusions. Over time, however, demagogic ideologies lose their importance and are perceived as not justified expectations of performance, error, not relevant axiological dominant members of a particular culture. In our work we adhered to the following methods of research: linguoideological – to interpret the content of corresponding ideologies; linguistic and semiotic – with the aim of realizing the symbolic mechanisms used for the influence and formation of the corresponding reactions in the consciousness of the masses; and linguocultural – to identify the causes of certain ideological concepts effectiveness.

2020 ◽  
pp. 247-270
Author(s):  
Brian Holden Reid

This chapter details how the year 1864 allowed William T. Sherman to operate for the first time not as a subordinate commander but as director of a series of armies in the field. His contribution to overall Union strategy would be significant and thus he began to exercise command at the level military analysts currently refer to as the operational level of war. Such a level links tactics and methods of fighting with strategy, in the overall scheme. It defines the manner in which armies organize in discrete campaigns and seek to fulfill the object of strategy by winning victories. Sherman’s performance overall needs to be considered by taking all aspects into account. As he began to work at the higher levels of the military art, he began to change the way in which people think and talk about war, and he propounded an individual philosophy of war. The higher he progressed, the more Sherman could not avoid confronting the harsh realities of political life, for his campaigns increasingly had an impact not just on American political discourse but indeed in 1864 on the outcome of the presidential election. Sherman expressed clear-cut political views and expounded them perhaps too forcefully. This complex mix worked as a catalyst in developing his ideas about war and his ability to put them into practice.


Author(s):  
Guanis de Barros Vilela Junior ◽  
Carlos Henrique Prevital Fileni ◽  
Ricardo Pablo Passos

The complexity of the entire education system fascinates, intrigues, and annoys millions of teachers, students, and managers around the world. First, through the recognition by the majority of the population of the unquestionable advances that the consolidation of educational systems has provided over time, first in the service of kings and after a long period of elitization, it is the first time in history that we have the massification of education, either. she presential or virtual. The reflux of this scenario is obvious and even cliché: knowledge for the masses is dangerous; after all, knowledge remains an uncontested form of power. The purpose of this paper is to reflect how different educational structures and changes thatoccurred at the same and different speeds, formed a superstructure, in the Althusserian sense, capable of reinforcing values, ideologies and perhaps this is uneducated; until the collapse of consolidated dystopia for centuries that this superstructure would never collapse. It is in this transfenomenal scenario that we will see how Education 5.0 is coming with the sagacity of a hungry beast. Our challenge? Feed her.


The article examines issues of political manipulation from the linguistic point of view. Diversified review of studies of the phenomenon of political manipulation was accomplished and the role of means of language in the process of manipulation was described. It is postulated that manipulation inherently belongs to the people`s speech and in particular to the speech of the politicians. In this respect, it is deemed to be wrong to study manipulation in an exclusively negative light. The focus of the research is the effect of the manipulatory impact and this interest is predetermined by the emphasis on the linguo-pragmatic aspects of communication. Political discourse is characterized by manipulative features in order to conduct a propaganda conflict, which is achieved using various linguistic units and methods, such as nominalization, euphemisms, precedent phenomena. The political discourse of the media has a huge impact on the formation of public opinion, which is done with the help of the above tools of speech manipulation. The article examines the features of manipulative technologies of political discourse. The severity of the problem of the manipulative potential of speech is determined by direct communication between the institutionalized addressee and the mass addressee, which takes place in the political discourse of the media. A brief analysis of the types of manipulation depending on the nature of information transformations is given, which determines the presence of specific features of the language of politics, as well as the use of special tools that contribute to the implementation of the main functions of political discourse. According to the author, the media are forming a new political reality in which manipulation technologies become a key instrument of political behaviour of the masses.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-50
Author(s):  
Alia Razia Malik

Language is a means of communication in a society. According to linguistic anthropology, a speaker is a social actor who expresses certain ideologies through language. Concepts and ideas, transmitted through language, are part of larger cultural whole in the society. Linguistic anthropology deals with language from a cultural perspective. People represent their mental realities through language which in turn is shaped by culture. Politics is a field of power and dominance. In political discourse, power is exerted through language. Political discourse is to persuade or to motivate the masses. Hence, linguistic choices are important to achieve certain objectives. In Pakistan, the general elections of 2013 were unique in the aspect as it was the first time that one elected democratic government had completed its turn of 5 years and lead towards the next election. Otherwise, the history of Pakistan is marked by incomplete tenures of democratic government and dictatorship. The elections were held on 11 May 2013 in all constituencies of Pakistan. People from all four provinces Punjab, Sindh, Khayber Pakhtoon Khawah, Balochistan, federal area and tribal area had casted their votes.   Keywords: First keyword, second keyword, third keyword, forth keyword;


Author(s):  
E. A. Kondakova ◽  
O. V. Printsipalova

The article dwells upon the discourse on the linguistic implementation of the principles of political correctness (hereinafter PC discourse) in the German political linguistic culture. Like the concept of ‘political correctness’ itself, the key characteristics of the PC discourse came to Germany from the USA. However, Germany has a rich tradition of criticism of language use in politics, including a tradition of public reflection on the use of language by totalitarian ideologies. One might assume that the discussion about the linguistic implementation of political correctness in Germany will become part of this general critical discourse. These considerations served as the starting point for this study. The purpose of the presented article is to identify the specifics of PC discourse in Germany against the back-ground of other phenomena of German political linguistic culture. Discourse is understood as a corpus of texts united by reference to a common object of reality, in other words, a way of speaking about a socially significant topic that is formed in society in a certain historical period. On the basis of this interpretation, the empirical base of the study was compiled, obtained through the continuous sampling method from electronic versions of leading German newspapers and magazines, as well as from linguistic monographs devoted to the linguistic implementation of political correctness. Through the method of descriptive discourse analysis, significant methods of discursive interpretation of political correctness have been identified, which are the specifics of PC discourse. The main technique is metaphorical modeling of political reality. For almost thirty years of its existence, the German PC discourse has developed a stable framework of evaluative metaphors that set the perspective of the vision of political correctness. This framework consists of the metaphorical core, which relates political correctness to the conceptual field of “danger”, and additional metaphorical meanings, which actualize the conceptual field of “game”. The uniformity of the metaphorical frame-work reflects the ritualized nature of the argumentation of both supporters and opponents of political correctness. The latter set the dominant discursive strategy - the strategy of imaginary defense, due to which strong emotional pressure is achieved on the participants in the discourse. The metaphorical framework provides discursive unity, which is especially necessary in the context of the semantic diffuseness of the key concept ‘politische Korrektheit’.


Author(s):  
Felix S. Kireev

Boris Alexandrovich Galaev is known as an outstanding composer, folklorist, conductor, educator, musical and public figure. He has a great merit in the development of musical culture in South Ossetia. All the musical activity of B.A. Galaev is studied and analyzed in detail. In most of the biographies of B.A. Galaev about his participation in the First World War, there is only one proposal that he served in the army and was a bandmaster. For the first time in historiography the participation of B.A. Galaev is analyzed, and it is found out what positions he held, what awards he received, in which battles he participated. Based on the identified documentary sources, for the first time in historiography, it occured that B.A. Galaev was an active participant in the First World War on the Caucasian Front. He went on attacks, both on foot and horse formation, was in reconnaissance, maintained communication between units, received military awards. During this period, he did not have time to study his favorite music, since, according to the documents, he was constantly at the front, in the battle formations of the advanced units. He had to forget all this heroic past and tried not to mention it ever after. Therefore, this period of his life was not studied by the researchers of his biography. For writing this work, the author uses the Highest Orders on the Ranks of the Military and the materials of the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RSMHA).


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Dima Kortukov

Abstract The concept of sovereign democracy dominated the political discourse in Russia in 2006–8 but lost much of its significance since. In this article, I argue that sovereign democracy is best understood as the response of Russia’s authorities to the threats of democratization, following Eurasian color revolutions. I distinguish between three conceptually distinct aspects of sovereign democracy: (1) a social contract (2) a legitimation discourse; and (3) a counter-revolutionary praxis. These dimensions allow us to understand what functions sovereign democracy fulfilled within the framework of Russia’s authoritarian regime and why it lost its prominence over time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 175628482093518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angélique Saint ◽  
Maxime Benchetrit ◽  
Sébastien Novellas ◽  
Denis Ouzan ◽  
Alexander Tuan Falk ◽  
...  

Introduction: Hepatocholangiocarcinoma (HCC-ICC) is a rare tumor presenting the histologic characteristics of both hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) and intrahepatic cholangiocarcinoma (ICC). As there is no consensus on it management, the therapeutic strategy rests on the specific treatments for HCC or ICC. Programmed cell death 1 (PD-1) inhibitors showed encouraging results in the second line treatment of HCC after sorafenib but it efficacy in HCC-ICC has never been reported. Methods and results: We present the case of a 72-year-old male patient treated for metastatic HCC-ICC due to a viral hepatitis C cirrhosis in progression after two lines of treatment. Tumor was characterized by a PDL-1 status of 85%. Patient received pembrolizumab at doses of 200 mg every 21 days by intravenous infusion. After one injection he was presented an immediate clinical benefit, a partial response was observed after two months of treatment and a complete response two months later. This response was maintained over time along with toxicity-free tumor control after 18 months treatment. Conclusion: To our knowledge, we reported for the first time the efficacy of a PD1 inhibitor treatment in a patient presenting metastatic HCC-ICC due to viral cirrhosis and overexpressing PDL-1 after failure of two lines of treatment.


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