scholarly journals KONFLIK AGRARIA DI KECAMATAN SEMBALUN KABUPATEN LOMBOK TIMUR NUSA TENGGARA BARAT 1979–2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Dani Umaruddin

ABSTRACT This study discusses agrarian conflicts that occurred in Sembalun District, East Lombok Regency, West Nusa Tenggara from 1979–2019. The problems in this study are: 1) Why are there agrarian conflicts in Sembalun District? 2) What are the forms of agrarian conflict that occurred in Sembalun District? The method used is the Critical Historical Method. Meanwhile, the theory used is Historical Dialectical Materialism from Karl Marx and Conflict theory from Ralf Dahrendorf. The results of this study indicate that the agrarian conflict in Sembalun District in 1979–2019 was a structural agrarian conflict. It takes the form of conflicting claims between the Sembalun indigenous peoples and the government and companies regarding who has the right to access land and natural resources. The main cause of the conflict is the lack of community land that becomes their means of production to meet their material subsistence needs. This is due to the practice of negarasasi (land acquisition) carried out by the government and negating the customary law system in agrarian management in Sembalun. Conflict becomes less powerful when the massive Sembalun peasant community defends their land, and tries to restore the customary law system or what is called negation over negation. Keywords: Agrarian Conflict, Sembalun Society, Historical Dialectical Materialism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Made Oka Cahyadi Wiguna

The government has indeed provided legal protection and certainty to indigenous peoples regarding their ulayat lands, through a Ministerial Regulation. However, it needs to be studied more deeply about the concept of communal rights to land and Pakraman village as the subject of communal rights holders on land. Communal rights to land are conceptualized as models of land rights that have just been raised in the national land law system. The consequence is that indigenous and tribal peoples as communal rights holders are authorized to use and benefit from their communal land. Pakraman village qualifies as a subject of communal rights to land because Pakraman village in Bali is classified into the community of the community, has a system of customary government referred to as the traditional prajuru led by a customary village leader. Then Pakraman village has a legal area called the Palemahan Pakraman village. As an instrument that regulates the life and social interaction of the community, awig-awig is the customary law of the community in a Pakraman village in Bali.


Yurispruden ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Diyan Isnaeni

ABSTRACT Problems faced by the government in the implementation of development include the issue of providing land for development itself, including the acquisition of land for toll road construction. because state land which is directly controlled by the state is limited or can be said to be almost nothing anymore. To acquire land for toll road development by the government by freeing people's land, both controlled by customary law, and other rights attached to it. In implementing Law Number 2 of 2012 as a juridical basis, the government carrying out land acquisition for toll road construction often creates problems both juridical and empirical.The legal concept of land acquisition for toll road development in the perspective of the right to control the state, must be returned to the nature of the public interest and the nature of the state's right to control for the greatest prosperity of the people by continuing to create development based on humanitarian principles, meaning that it must continue to prioritize and pay attention to private rights which constitute constitutional rights of the people. Keywords: Land Procurement, toll road construction   ABSTRAK Permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh pemerintah dalam pelaksanaan pembangunan diantaranya adalah masalah penyediaan tanah untuk pembangunan itu sendiri, termasuk pengadaan tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol.  karena tanah negara yang dikuasai langsung oleh negara terbatas atau dapat dikatakan hampir tidak ada lagi. Untuk memperoleh tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol oleh pemerintah dengan membebaskan tanah milik rakyat, baik yang dikuasai oleh hukum adat, maupun hak-hak lainnya yang melekat diatasnya. Dalam implementasinya Undang-Undang Nomor 2 Tahun 2012 sebagai landasan yuridis pemerintah melaksanakan pengadaan tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol  sering menimbulkan permasalahan baik secara yuridis maupun empiris.Konsep hukum pengadaan tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol dalam perspektif hak menguasai negara, harus dikembalikan pada hakekat kepentingan umum dan hakekat hak menguasai negara yaitu untuk sebesar-besar kemakmuran rakyat dengan tetap menciptakan pembangunan yang berlandaskan asas kemanusiaan artinya harus tetap  memprioritaskan dan memperhatikan hak privat yang merupakan hak konstitusional rakyat. Kata Kunci: Pengadaan Tanah, pembangunan jalan tol


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43
Author(s):  
Don Augustinus Lamaech Flassy

The article, Prestige and Powers of "The World of Big Power'', Tanah Papua as Specific Case, the author intends for Subtopic to two and at the same time can also to accommodate the third problem of formulation being raised in dissertation entitled: " Re-Roadmap of the Papuan in State of Papua Courant West : “A Peaceful Solution Recovering of Identity”. That is by treading Returning Roadmap, referring to Unilateral Declaration of Independence/UDI of the Papua Nation and the Federal Republic of West Papua/NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The study describes in five main topics, namely, (1) Defining "Hidden Structure" in Melanesian-Papua Social Cultural highlighting Papuanistiecs and Melanesianology; (2) Prestige and Powers of “The World Big Power'', Tanah Papua as Specific Case, reveals how the influence of ”The Giant Powers” to the problem of Papua; (3) Federalism in Indonesia revealing Melanesian-Papua in Tanah Papua as Special Case versus the Unitary Republic of Indonesia; (4) Constitution vis-à-vis Constitution illustrates the philosophical correlation among Indonesian constitution 1945 versus Papua constitution 1999; (5) Unilateral Declaration/UDI of the Papua Nation and NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The background of the study is based on two keys of Morgenthou thoughts: First, Morgenthou (2012) confirmed that, during the 17 years from 1945 to 1962, the process to Indonesia-nizing the Papuans are generally still in the stage of seeding while growing only in some urban areas and the government center. Awareness to be Indonesian-ness was yet to reach all areas of Papua. Morgenthou (2012) that the presence of all Indonesia's past greatly influenced the policies and the approach taken by both the Dutch and Indonesian government through the nationalist’s initiators role at that time. Second, study of LIPI in 2007 (Soewarsono, ed.) is still questions to the Indonesian-ness of Papuans reinforces the view of Morgenthou (2012), which states that the process to Indonesian-ness among Papuans still weak. Morgenthou concluded that, in fact, to understand the history of Papua will become a basic reference for the government seek and find out the right way and dignified in overcoming the issues of Papua, though on the other hand George Junus Aditjondro, 1999 clamming, the Government and Important People of Indonesia has curled the history of Papua which by the Papuans wanting to be straightened out: "This is the dark history of Papua in Indonesian Historiography". Thoughts of Morgenthou strengthens the authors thought that the various problems occurred in Papua, especially the facts involve "Merdeka Papua". Referring to the failure of Indonesia-nizing of the Papuans, it appears that it is not necessary regrettable because in fact, they are different by nature or in the growth process since in the hands of Dutch colonial control of the Dutch East Indies (for Papua 1826-1949-1962). Precisely when indecision of the President of Indonesia to the case of Papua was safe step into alternative measures of the Melanesian-Papua themselves must be hacked through, UDI of Papuan Nation and NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The research focuses on studies of literature and interviews by the method of Descriptive Analysis and to assemble the Hidden Structure and Correlation Studies to reflect the relationships between aspects on the basis of Motivation Theory, Theory of Conflict, Theory of Social Change and Theory of Balance and Theory of Realist implied through sub-theories positioned as tools to characterize, recognize, and understanding as well as tools to analyze (dissect) the problems issues to be raised in this written work. In connection with this, the author is improving the nature of Hidden Structure as Grand Theory. Formulations of the problems might be: (1). How to understand the present of the Melanesian-Papua in Tanah Papua? (2). May the existence of Papua to be returning to the attention of Prestige and Powers of "The World Big Power" for its political status to be reviewed at the UN? (4). Whether, the Melanesian-Papua and the Indonesian in Tanah Papua can together according to the federalist order of Melanesian-Papua? (4). How is the condition of Indonesian society and customs of Melanesian-Papua can be brought together to create a bilateral solidarity for the multilateralbeneficial and usefulness? 


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4-1) ◽  
pp. 117-124
Author(s):  
Sh. M. Hum Arba

Abstract This study aims to analyze recognition and reinforcement of customary law community association and their rights over land and forest in West Nusa Tenggara Province because in this region there are still numerous customary law community associations and their jurisdictions that are always owned, controlled, and done for generations. This study is categorized as a normative study that refers to applicable norms and legal concepts (Indonesian positive law) and reality based on the results of the study. The approaches implemented in the study are legislation approach, conceptual approach, and historical approach. This study was conducted by listing the norms of positive law and then confronting the reality which occurs in the society. It can be concluded that the recognition and reinforcement of the right of customary law community over land and forests in the Constitution and legislation is clear and decisive, however the implementation of recognition and reinforcement of customary law community association and their rights in West Nusa Tenggara Province has not been implemented by the government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Mohammad Masduki

 Indonesia adalah negara dengan penduduk mayoritas beragama Islam. Menurut perhitungan statistik yang dikeluarkan pemerintah pada tahun 2010, sebanyak 87,18 persen penduduk Indonesia adalah muslim. Sistem hukum yang berlaku di Indonesia adalah sistem hukum campuran (Mix Legal System), yakni hukum Eropa Kontinental, hukum adat, hukum Islam, dan bahkan Anglo Saxon. Yusril Ihza Mahendra merupakan salah satu tokoh nasional dan pakar hukum tata negara yang tertarik dalam persoalan transformasi Syari’at Islam ke dalam Hukum Nasional. Tujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu untuk menganalisis pemikiran Yusril Ihza Mahendra tentang Transformasi Syari’at Islam ke dalam Hukum Nasional. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian hukum normatif. Sehingga metode pengambilan bahan hukum menggunakan metode kepustakaan dan wawancara langsung. Yusril Ihza Mahendra mengatakan transformasi Syari’at Islam ke dalam Hukum Nasional sangat relevan untuk dilaksanakan di Indonesia, mengingat Indonesia adalah negara yang mayoritas berpenduduk muslim. Suatu undang-undang akan berjalan dengan baik dan efektif apabila substansinya sesuai dengan keyakinan masyarakat itu sendiri, dimana hukum Islam adalah hukum yang hidup di tengah-tengah masyarakat Indonesia. Transformasi syariat Islam ke dalam hukum nasional memerlukan proses perubahan bentuk (transformasi) dan perumusan (formulasi) kaidah-kaidah hukum Islam yang bersumber dari ayat-ayat Quran dan Hadis hukum (syariat Islam) ke dalam hukum nasional melalui pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan (proses legislasi). Untuk itu diperlukan institusi-institusi kekuasaan negara atau daulah yang sah yang berfungsi untuk menegakkan norma hukum nasional agar dipatuhi dan dijalankan oleh publik. Proses pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan yang (sebagian) bersumber dari syariat Islam merupakan sebuah proses politik. Hal ini memerlukan kesadaran dengan menumbuhkan jiwa Islami kepada para penguasa, karena mereka yang punya hak dalam perancangan dan pengesahan suatu peraturan perundang-undangan.Kata kunci: Transformasi, Syari’at Islam, Hukum Nasional  Indonesia is a country with a majority Muslim population. Statistical calculations released by the government shows that that 87.18 percent of Indonesia's population is Muslim. However, the current applicable legal system is the Continental European legal system, the Anglo Saxon legal system and a small part of customary law and Islamic law. Yusril Ihza Mahendra is one of the national figures and experts in constitutional law who is interested in the issue of the transformation of Islamic Shari’ah into National Law. This study aims to analyze Yusril Ihza Mahendra's thoughts on the Transformation of Islamic Shari'ah into National Law. The type of this research is normative legal research. So that the taking of legal materials using the library method  is reinforced by direct interviews. Yusril Ihza Mahendra said that the transformation of Islamic Shari’ah into national law was very relevant to implement, considering that Indonesia is a country with a majority Muslim population. Legislative drafting that is in line with the community's beliefs will likely work, whereas Islamic law is the living law in Indonesian society. However various formulation processes are required. That is by formulating the principles of Islamic law and then pouring it into a form that can be implemented in reality. In addition, it is necessary to have institutions of power called legitimate state to impose a legal norm so that it is carried out and obeyed by the public. Furthermore, the process of legislative drafting is the political process. This process requires awareness by cultivating an Islamic spirit of the rulers because they have the right to draft regulation or legislation.Keywords: Transformation, Islamic Shari'ah, National Law


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-89
Author(s):  
Raymond Akpokighe ◽  
Austine Ejovi

Youth restiveness has become a topical issue for discussion in the social, economic and polity domain in Nigeria. It is a fact that Nigeria cannot thrive and progress significantly with youths who are restive. Nigeria’s peace, security and corporate existence as a nation is threatened because of the prevalence of this phenomenon. The causes of youth restiveness are connected to unemployment, lack of basic and inadequate infrastructural facilities and inadequate social amenities amongst others. The spiralling effect of youth restiveness are evident in Nigeria as ethnic militia, kidnapping, cultism, armed robbery, agitations and involvement in social insecurity. The causes and effects of youth restiveness have promoted uncertainties which have led to failure, fear and underdevelopment of most sectors in the Nigeria. The conflict theory explains that threatening events such as wars, revolution, domestic violence and others are as a result of competition and limited resources. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s government has not done enough by providing basic facilities, employment opportunities and effective empowerment programmes for the youths to be gainfully employed. This study holds unto the premise that in order to control youths in Nigeria, their skills, talents and education must be recognized, encouraged and channelled to the right sector in the society for growth, sustainable development and national peace. This paper reviewed the arguments surrounding youth restiveness in Nigeria alongside some recommendations on how the government could effectively be organized and responsible to counter the growing rate of youth restiveness in Nigeria. Keywords: Causes, Effects, Control Youth, Peace


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 166
Author(s):  
Nova Yarsina

Registration of land which its perpetrators by Law Number 5 Year 1960 assigned to the Government is a means of providing legal certainty in the field of land and for the implementation of the orderliness of land administration PP Number 24 of 1997, then every plot of land and apartment units must be registered. In view of the provisions of Articles 1 and 2PP of the customary rights and similar rights of customary law communities, to the extent they are in fact still exist, should be like that in accordance with national and state interests, based on national unity and may be contrary to other laws and other regulations. This research was field research that is field research with interview technique to related parties that directly related to problem which writer discuss. This research was included in the type of qualitative research. Based on the research that has been done the authors can conclude that the absence of legal protection of Ulayat land that has been certified Ulayat land is not a right that can be registered, there is only recognition, so it is not a right that can be registered. Toward the land which has been registered has disappeared its owner meaning, where the land has changed into a common property (mede aigendom), as if they have a common right, the position of men and women about the right of inheritance of the same high haritage and parallel.


Author(s):  
V. L. Tolstykh ◽  
J. Aasi

INTRODUCTION. The article deals with the evolution of the Palestinian citizenship and the possibility of its development under the occupation of the Palestinian territories. Citizenship is a classic institution of public law and is perceived in a similar way in various legal systems. In this case, however, there is a very special phenomenon, the content of which is due to a number of historical, political and international legal factors.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The research is based on the analysis of Balfour Declaration 1917, UN Partition Plan for Palestine 1947, Agreement Oslo II 1995, Articles on Nationality of Natural Persons in relation to the Succession of States (ILC, 1999), Articles on Diplomatic Protection (ILC, 2006), Israeli law governing the status of Palestinians, nationality laws of the Arab states, political and regulatory acts of Palestinian institutions. The research methods include historical method, methods of formal logic, comparative method and various methods of interpretation. A significant part of the research is a comparison of positions of Israeli and Palestinian lawyers, as well as an analysis of various options for the development of the Palestinian citizenship.RESEARCH RESULTS. Currently, the status of residents of the occupied territories is determined by the Oslo II Agreement of 1995: the administrative powers are delegated to the Palestinian Authority; Israel retains the right of control. The resident status is not equivalent to the status of a citizen and is sui generis. This status implies a number of Israel’s obligations: to end it and provide a citizenship to Palestinians; recognize its international elements; transfer more powers to Palestinian institutions. The lack of regular citizenship makes it difficult for Palestinians to enjoy diplomatic protection from Palestinian institutions.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. Presently, there are conditions for the establishment (declaration) of the Palestinian citizenship, which would fix a political connection sui generis, implying the rights of Palestinians to participate in administration of the occupied territories, their membership in a nation striving for self-determination, the right of Palestinian institutions to provide diplomatic and other protection, etc. This citizenship should be provided automatically, since it involves not naturalization, but consideration of existing social and vital ties of Palestinians to their people. The solution of the problem of diplomatic protection may consist in the development of customary law and the search for new tools, for example, protection on the part of international organizations. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Nendah Kurniasari ◽  
Christina Yuliaty ◽  
Rismutia Hayu Deswati

Masyarakat hukum adat masih belum terlihat eksistensinya meskipun pemerintah telah mengeluarkan berbagai perundang-undangan terkait pengakuan terhadap keberadaan masyarakat hukum adat. Tulisan ini bertujuan memberikan penjelasan sejauhmana posisi praktek pengelolaan sumberdaya kelautan dan Perikanan berbasis hukum adat dari perspektif perundang-undangan yang telah dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah. Penelitian dilakukan secara deskriptif kualitatif dan content analysis. Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa pengakuan tersebut merupakan pengakuan bersyarat, dimana persyaratan seringkali tidak konsisten antar satu perundang-undangan dengan perundang-undangan lainnya. Dari perspektif Undang-Undang No 27 Tahun 2007 jo UU No 1 Tahun 2014, terdapat beberapa ketidakselarasan antara praktek pengelolaan SDKP berbasis hukum adat dengan UU tersebut, diantaranya adalah 1) posisi peran masyarakat yang setara dengan dunia usaha, 2) persyaratan dalam pemberian hak istimewa kepada masyarakat hukum adat dalam mengelola sumberdaya KP tidak terjabar secara jelas, 3) mekanisme legalisasi hukum adat jelas baik dari pengertian masyarakat hukum adat sendiri maupun lembaga yang melakukan legalisasi dan verifikasi, dan 4) belum adanya peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengatur wilayah pemanfaatan dari setiap masyarakat adat. Oleh karenanya perlu ditentukan proporsi keterlibatan pemerintahan daerah, masyarakat dan dunia usaha, perlu menentukan ormas mana yang dapat mejadi wadah aspirasi masyarakat sesuai dengan Permen No 40/2014, perlu penjelasan makna “kepentingan nasional” yang menjadi prasyarat diberikannya hak pengelolaan SDKP kepada masyarakat adat, perlu ditentukan lembaga verifikator masyarakat hukum adat, perlu peraturan daerah yang mengatur batas wilayah pada setiap kesatuan masyarakat hukum adat, dan perlu membuat trace bundle mengenai sejarah dan tata hukum adat.Title: The Position Of Marine And Fisheries Resources Management Practices Based On Adat Law In National Law PerspectiveCustomary law community has not shown its existence, though the government has enacted several legislations concerning the recognition of  the community. This paper aims to provide an explanation regarding the position of marine and fisheries resources management practices based on customary law in national law perspective.  The study used a qualitative descriptive analysis and content analysis.The results showed that the recognition is a conditional one and it is inconsistent among laws. There are several contradictions between practices and Law number 27/2007 juncto Law Number 1/2014. They are 1) posistion of the community role is equivalent to business world, 2) requirements in granting privileges to the customary law community in terms of marine and fisheries resources management are not clearly defined, 3) legalization mechanism of customary law is clearly explained, both customary law community definition and institutions which perform legalization and verification, and 4) the absence of legislation governing the use of the territory of each of indigenous communities. Therefore, it is necessary to determine the proportion of local government, community, and business world involvement. It is also important to determine the community organizations which may be an an inspiration of the community in accordance with Ministerial Regulation Number 40/2014. Besides that, it needs an explanation of the meaning of “national interest” which is a prerequisite to indigenous communities in order to have marine and fisheries resources management rights. Furthermore, it is important to determine the customary law community verifier institutions. Other than that, setting regional regulations governing borders of each customary law community territory is needed. Last, creating a trace bundle concerning history and customary law system is also necessary.  


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


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