scholarly journals Turkish Geoeconomics and Its Influence in Albania

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Blendi Lami

Geopolitics is often used in reference to the use of geography in determining and shaping the international relations/foreign policy agenda of individual nation states. According to the proponents of the concept of geopolitics, political predominance in the international political system is not just a question of the general power and human resources at a country’s disposal, but also of the geographical undertones within which a particular country exercises its available chunks of power. The rise of geoeconomics as an eminent replacement to geopolitics even becomes more significant in place of Turkey owing to its geopolitical position. The country is strategically surrounded by Europe, Asia, the Middle East and former Soviet states. The dynamics provided by the geopolitical position Turkey ushered in increased calls for the country to take up an active role in its foreign policy endeavors, and with it, a utilization of geoeconomics as a formidable strategy to push for Turkey’s agenda in the Balkan region, especially Albania. Based on the geoeconomic and geocultural conception of the Balkan region, Davutoglu, the architect of new Turkish foreign policy, contents that the only way Balkan states can maintain their strategic importance is by reestablishing their success through intensive political dialogues and pursuing integrated economic policies. These are the endeavors of a country keen on utilizing economic values and principles to cement its political power in the Balkan region, and supplement its political influence over Albanian territories.

Author(s):  
Perparim Xhaferi

This paper will explore bilateral relations between Turkey and Albania during the post-Ottoman period. The aim of the paper is to explore reasons for the revival and establishment of relations since the creation of both nation states at the beginning of the twentieth century. In the 21st century, Turkish foreign policy shifts in the Balkans, along with the rise of the Turkish economy and military capability are in line with Albanian needs politically and economically. More importantly, the Turkey’s repeated assurances to protect the Albanian people has been paramount for Albanians who live in the five surrounding states, that is Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia.


Author(s):  
V. A. AVATKOV

The political regime of the Republic of Turkey created by Ataturk  have always combines two mutually exclusive principles of Islam and  western democracy. Fro a long period of time in its foreign  policy Ankara has been foolowing the west-oriented vector. Since  1952 Turkey has been the member of NATO and at the end of the  20th century made a strong application to become the member of the European Union. At the beginning of the 21st century pro- Western politics began to enter an increasingly obvious impasse.  Tukrey didn’t want to continue being a U.S. agent in the Middle East. However an attempt to play an active role in the region  led Turkey to almost complete international isolation. The  country was not ready a complete break in relations with influential Western allies. The loss of the status of an American agent would inevitably lead to a reduction of Turkey’s military-technical capabilities, and,  consequently, of the political influence that it was achieved in  cooperation with its Western patrons. The author comes to the  concludes that modern Turkey resembles a power which has not  determined its foreign policy priorities. It continues to pursue a  sufficiently risky policy of maneuvering between regional and global players.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Blendi Lami

This paper inquires into the overall picture of the Turkish foreign policy toward Western Balkans, and especially Albania, on the geopolitical plan. It explores the new Turkish policy principles, Davotuglu’s strategic vision, and the extent to which the geopolitics of both Turkey and Albania inform Turkish foreign policy. This paper also delineates the perceptions of Albania towards Turkey’s foreign policy and contradictions of the same policy. According to Davutoglu, the architect of Turkish foreign policy, Turkey is a Middle Eastern, Balkan, Caucasian, Central Asian, Caspian, Mediterranean, Gulf and Black Sea country, can simultaneously exercise influence in all these regions and thus claim a global strategic role, rejecting the perception of Turkey as a bridge between Islam and the West, as this would relegate Turkey to an instrument for the promotion of the strategic interests of other countries. To achieve this, Turkey should capitalise on its soft power potential. Davutoglu argues that Turkey possesses “strategic depth” due to its history and geographic position and lists Turkey among a small group of countries which he calls “central powers”. Taking such a role Turkey has also great interest in Albania as it is considered the best state to promote Turkish interests within the Western Balkan region. However, there are several obstacles limiting Turkey’s full penetration into the Western Balkans.


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
Slobodan Jankovic

The article examines the probability of achieving the self-imposed criteria for Turkey to become a macro-regional power by 2023. The author analyses components of variables in Davuto?lu's equation of power and the results of the ?zero problems with neighbours? policy as an essential prerequisite for Turkey becoming one of the poles of power at the global level. Presenting the state of progress in military industries, in the development of technological infrastructure and in the economy, the author assesses the limited progress and failure to materialise the country?s expected goals. After years of progress in various fields, the leading AKP party is now troubled by conflicts inside and outside the country. The author concludes that Turkey will not be able to realise its 2023 strategy due to combination of failures in internal, foreign and economic policies.


Author(s):  
Simon A. Waldman ◽  
Emre Caliskan

This chapter identifies and explains the components and origins of Turkey’s struggles by charting the decline of the military in political affairs and the rise of the AKP. It dissects the problems associated with Turkey’s press and the lack of media freedom, and it evaluates Turkish foreign policy as well as the Kurdish question. It also examines the unstable nature of Turkey’s democracy and its political system. The introduction explains why and how authors view Turkey through the eyes of weak state, explores some of the terminology that is used or rejected and also summarizes the chapters of the book.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 7-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Fuat Keyman

AbstractIn recent years. Turkey has initiated a proactive, multi-dimensional and constructive foreign policy in many areas, ranging from contributing to peace and stability in the Middle East, to playing an active role in countering terrorism and extremism, from becoming a new “energy hub” to acting as one of the architects of “the inter-civilization dialogue initiative” aiming at producing a vision of the world, based on dialogue, tolerance and living together. Thus, there has been an upsurge of interest in, and a global attraction to, Turkey and its contemporary history. Moreover, the global attraction to Turkey has stemmed not only from the geopolitical identity of Turkey, as a strong state with the capacity to function as a “geopolitical security hinge” in the intersection of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Caucasian regions, but also from its cultural identity as a modern national formation with parliamentary democratic governance, secular constitutional structure and mainly Muslim population. Furthermore, as the world has become more globalized, more interdependent and more risky, this new foreign policy identity entailed the employment of not only geopolitics but also identity and economy. Thus, geopolitics, modernity and democracy have become the constitutive dimensions of Turkish foreign policy today This paper explores the ways in which the increasing role and visibility of “soft power” in Turkish foreign policy operates, and suggests that to be sustainable, Turkish foreign policy, relying on soft power, should go hand in hand with the process of the consolidation of Turkish democracy, and also accept and put into practice Turkey-EU relations as the main axis of proactiveness and constructiveness.


Author(s):  
Tareq Mohammed Dhannoon AL Taie

The BRICS countries have a historical aspiration for global leadership, especially Russia and China, and other countries trying to have a position in the pyramid of international powers in the twenty-first century, especially Brazil, India and South Africa, they worked to unify their efforts, in order to achieve integration in the strategic action, activate its role in International affairs, ending American domination , and restructuring an international system that have an active role in its interactions.       The research hypothesis is based on the idea that the BRICS group, despite the nature of its economic composition and its long-term goals, but its political influence as a bloc, is greater than the proportion of its economic influence in restructuring the new international order. The BRICS group has the capabilities to reshape the international order, but disputes among some of its members represent a challenge to its future work. Its goals will not be achieved without teamwork. Third world countries, especially those that reject unipolarism, have regarded one of the pillars supporting multi-polarity, aiming of giving them freedom of movement in international relations. The ultimate goal of the BRICS is a political nature, as economic mechanisms are used to achieve political goals.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mesut Özcan

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


Author(s):  
Hermann Heller

This 1927 work addresses the paradox of sovereignty, that is, how the sovereign can be both the highest authority and subject to law. Unlike Kelsen and Schmitt who seek to dissolve the paradox, this text sees the tensions that the paradox highlights as an essential part of a society ruled by law. Sovereignty, in the sense of national sovereignty, is often perceived in liberal democracies today as being under threat, or at least “in transition,” as power devolves from nation states to international bodies. This threat to national sovereignty is at the same time considered a threat to a different idea of sovereignty, popular sovereignty—the sovereignty of “the people”—as important decisions seem increasingly to be made by institutions outside of a country’s political system or by elite-dominated institutions within. This text was written in 1927 amidst the very similar tensions of the Weimar Republic. In an exploration of history, constitutional and political theory, and international law, it shows that democrats must defend a legal idea of sovereignty suitable for a pluralistic world.


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