NORMATIVE AND INSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATIONS FOR THE FORMATION OF THE STATE IMAGE OF UZBEKISTAN IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-73
Author(s):  
Shahodat Mirzalieva ◽  

This article discusses some aspects of the regulatory and institutional framework for the formation of the state image of Uzbekistan in international relations. Consequently, the Republic of Uzbekistan has a unique image in the international arena, which is reflected in a number of laws andregulations.In particular, the article presents a number of factors in the formation of the state image of Uzbekistan.Naturally, it is worth noting that economic, social, political and cultural factors are of great importance in shaping the image of the state. Consequently, a comprehensive analysis of the place and role of tourism in the large-scale reforms implemented in the country over the next three years was carried out.Also, the goals and objectives, factors and features of the formation of the image of the state have been studied, scientific theoretical and scientific-practical conclusions are made

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Shvaiba

The choice of the hierarchical principle of the structural organization of the mechanism of ensuring socio–economic security is consistent with the presentation of the role of its components in the regulation of financial and economic processes. Thus, in the performance of the functions of defence, the role of the components of the mechanism in the schemes of direct and current relations, information channels, management conclusions and administrative work is inevitable. Apart from this, the inter-element relations of the mechanism of ensuring social and economic security are mediated by financial and economic relations and, first of all, commodity–money, which is based on the coordination and specific subordination of financial and economic interests. This means that the process of ensuring social and economic security must not be strictly subordinate to the hierarchy of public administration, and be one of its intensive components, which plays a dual role. On the one hand, it has the ability to be needed as the 1st of the methods of implementation of the state financial and economic interests. But, on the other hand, the method is intended to act as a “signal link” to adjust the provisions of the financial and economic policy in an environment of large-scale dangers, which to some extent refutes its subordination to the previously adopted management conclusions. For example, the study of the structuring of the mechanism of ensuring social and economic security implemented in the Republic of Belarus shows its obvious subordinate nature in the system of public administration. In particular, the element distribution of the presented mechanism was made in coordination with the hierarchy of the management system of economic entities. This means that its capabilities are used only to some extent due to the level of restrictions in the implementation of socio-economic security. Level limitation of the control system leads to the fact that financial and economic regulators of the state and functioning of mesostructures have all chances to be “included” in an absolute measure at the macro level and only partly — at the micro level.


Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.


Vestnik ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 328-331
Author(s):  
С.К. Молдабаев ◽  
С.А. Мамырбекова ◽  
Д.Н. Маханбеткулова

Согласно Концепции Государственной программы улучшения здоровья населения на 2020-2025 годы в рамках дальнейшего внедрения системы ОСМС в РК одним из основных задач госудаства является повышение солидарной ответственности граждан за свое здоровье. Существующая солидарная ответственность должна побуждать пациентов развивать навыки самопомощи/самоменеджмента с целью лучшего управления собственным здоровьем. Цель исследования. Анализ роли самоменеджмента пациентов в системе солидарной ответственности за свое здоровье. Материал и методы. Данный обзор основывается на материалах ВОЗ и статей зарубежных и отечественных исследователей. Выводы. На сегодняшний день, в системе здравоохранения Казахстана одним из основных моментов является солидарная ответственность государства, пациента и работодателя. Ведь каждый гражданин должен принимать важные решения, которые оказывают существенное влияние на состояние его здоровья. Поэтому стратегии по повышению грамотности пациентов, их вовлеченность в процесс принятия решений и развитие самоменеджмента должны быть одними из фундаментальных стержней существующей системы ОСМС и политики здравоохранения. According to the Concept of the State Program for improving the health of the population for 2020-2025, as part of the further implementation of the compulsory health insurance system in the Republic of Kazakhstan, one of the main tasks of the state is to increase the joint responsibility of citizens for their health. The existing shared responsibility should encourage patients to develop self-help / self-management skills in order to better manage their own health. Purpose of the study. Analysis of the role of patients' self-management in the system of joint responsibility for their health. Material and methods. This review is based on WHO materials and articles of foreign and domestic researchers. Findings. Today, in the health care system of Kazakhstan, one of the main points is the joint responsibility of the state, the patient and the employer. After all, every citizen must make important decisions that have a significant impact on his health. Therefore, strategies to improve patient literacy, their involvement in the decision-making process and the development of self-management should be one of the fundamental pillars of the existing compulsory health insurance system and health policy.


Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 148-160
Author(s):  
I. G. Skorokhod

According to the author of the paper, the head of state is not a position, not a title, not any state body, but the function of the President of the Republic of Belarus, along with the function of the guarantor of the Constitution, human and civil rights and freedoms. The function of the head of state is unchanged and is due to his position in the system of state authorities. This function manifests the nature and essence of the institution of the presidency, which cannot be reduced to specific actions or practices, therefore, it is implemented through the exercise of powers in various organizational forms. In this regard, the concept of “president”, unlike “head of state”, is not static, but dynamic, since the list of rights and duties of the President of the Republic of Belarus is open.Powers are unambiguous, substantive rights and duties of the President, legitimized from the functions and expressed in various organizational forms of his activities. At the same time, the characteristics of the President’s powers can only show the external side of his activities. The powers of the President, in contrast to the functions, are a variable value. The President through representative, legitimation, arbitration, control, rulemaking, personnel, integration, symbolist and ceremonial state powers carries out the function of the head of state.The function of the head of state is the superiority and precedence of the President over all state officials. In accordance with it, the idea of the Republic of Belarus is personified. This function allows the President of the Republic of Belarus to be the main public representative and act on behalf of the Belarusian state both within it and in international relations. This is the result of the state obtaining the status of a legitimate state, the continuity and interaction of state authorities, mediation between them. The constitutional function of the head of state makes it necessary for the President to have instruments of power-state bodies operating within this function.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Khairul Firdhaus Abdullah ◽  
Mohamad Marzuqi Abdul Rahim ◽  
Wahyu Hidayat Abdullah

This study aims to evaluate the role of Maahad Tahfiz ADDIN to produce huffaz in the State of Perak Darul Ridzuan based on the implementation of the Tahfiz Al-Quran curriculum with important instruments of collecting quantitative data (questionnaires). A survey method which was used involved 366 students from the Maahad Tahfiz Al-Quran ADDIN in the state of Perak who are randomly selected. The subjects of the study were students aged 13 years to 17 years old. A questionnaire was developed to collect the required data. The findings were analyzed descriptively by Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 22.0. The results show that the implementation of the goals and objectives of the Quranic Tahfiz curriculum at Maahad Tahfiz ADDIN was the highest mean of 3.60. The conclusions from this study show that the goal and objectives of tahfiz are at a good level and can be further enhanced. On the other hand, the content of the curriculum and time allocation for the Quranic memorization should be given due attention and improvements so that Maahad Tahfiz ADDIN can actually filling the gap in producing more quality huffaz in the state of Perak Darul Ridzuan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 241-255
Author(s):  
S. V. Darchieva ◽  
A. V. Darchiev

The role of the first Russian parliament in the formation and development of the education system in the country is considered. The activity of deputies on the solution of the most pressing issues in the period from 1906 to 1917 is analyzed. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the consideration of the State Duma as the most important legislative body in the creation of the educational system in Russia. The discrepancy between the interests of the authorities and society, their different understanding of the goals and objectives of objectively overdue transformations, which is reflected in the legislative activity of the State Duma is revealed. It is indicated that a significant place in the national policy of the state was occupied by issues of education and the status of national languages. It is shown that as a result of active legislative initiative and the position of deputies in the development of bills “On the introduction of universal education”, “On the reform of secondary schools”, government spending on secondary and primary education increased several times. It is noted that as a result of the activities of the deputies of the State Duma of the III convocation, significant amendments and additions were made to the bill “On higher primary schools”, which was adopted in 1912.


2015 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 501-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandesh Sivakumaran

AbstractFollowing a large-scale disaster, such as a major earthquake, tsunami or cyclone, tens of thousands of persons are often displaced, suffer from food shortages and in need of medical assistance. In situations in which the State affected by the disaster does not meet the needs of the affected persons itself, humanitarian assistance from outside the State might be required. This article considers the role of consent to external humanitarian assistance on the part of the affected State. As there is no single overarching treaty in the area of humanitarian assistance in situations of disaster, the article explores the role of consent in the various disaster-specific, subject-specific and region-specific treaties as well as in the soft law instruments in the area. Although the instruments take seemingly different approaches to the subject, a common standard is identified, namely that consent on the part of the affected State is required before external assistance can be provided but that consent cannot be arbitrarily withheld. The article then goes on to give content to the arbitrary withholding standard, breaking it down into its substantive and procedural elements. These include the meaning of the term ‘arbitrary’; the requirement to provide a reason for the withholding of consent; legitimate grounds for withholding consent; and the actor that assesses the justification. Regard is had for State practice in the context of disasters as well as other areas of the law in which similar tests are used.


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented


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