Periodicals as a Factor of Strengthening Soviet Power During the Transition Period (by the Materials of the North Caucasian Press)

2021 ◽  
pp. 36-43
Author(s):  
George A. Zaseev
Keyword(s):  
Transition Period ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
The North ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
The Press ◽  
School Issues ◽  
Revolutionary Period

The article examines the processes of the formation of mass periodicals in the North Caucasus in the first years of the existence of Soviet power. Its relevance is due to the poor study of the Soviet press of the 1920s, especially its development in the national regions of the state. It is shown that the functions of the Soviet press at the first stages of its existence were reduced to the ideological struggle against counter-revolution and party opposition. At the same time, the newspapers covered topics relevant to early Soviet everyday life: peasant and school issues, the life of auls, food appropriation, food tax, etc. The purpose of the article is to examine the process of development of the Bolshevik policy in the field of mass media in the post-revolutionary period. It is emphasized that for a number of regions of the North Caucasus, the appearance of their own periodicals is associated with the arrival of the Soviet regime, which is pursuing a protectionist policy in relation to the press. It was within the framework of this policy that a number of local publications were published in the languages of the peoples of the North Caucasus, for example, the Ossetian «Rastdzinad». The list of newspapers published in the region during the period under study is presented, among which, in terms of the duration of the issue, the thematic content, one can single out such newspapers as «Krasnaya Kabarda», «Kommunist», «Sovetskaya Autonomnaya Chechnya», and «Gorskaya Pravda». Special attention is paid to the substantive analysis of the «Kommunist» newspaper for 1920, which made it possible to identify the most relevant plots and topics related to the coverage of the events of the Civil War, as well as the processes taking place within the framework of the emerging new economic policy and nation-building. In the conclusion, it is concluded that the important role played by both the Soviet periodicals and the press of the national regions in the ideological support of the activities of the organs of Soviet power.

scholarly journals North Caucasian Radio Journalism during the Strengthening of Bolshevik Totalitarianism: Finding its own Voice

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-240
Author(s):  
Lema A. Turpalov
Keyword(s):  
Main Tool ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Radio Broadcasting ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
The Press ◽  
New Type

The importance of ideological support for the processes of establishing Soviet power in the North Caucasus increased due to the fact that socialist ideas were little known and incomprehensible to local peoples. The main tool of the Leninist party to propagate socialist transformations – the press – was not effective due to the fact that the mountain population was nearly illiterate. Under these conditions, the only nascent radio became the main tool for manipulating the mass consciousness. The article is a continuation of the publication in the third issue of Proceedings of SFedU for 2020 “Radio Journalism as a Component of the Bolshevist System of Authoritary Journalism of Autonomies of the North Caucasus: the Stage of Formation” and is devoted to the little-studied issues of transformation of a new type of media, relatively independent at the initial stage of Soviet power. It was during this period that the actual radio forms and methods of work of regional radio editions, genres of programs, took shape. Meanwhile, in the historical and journalistic literature, even published in the post-Soviet period, the activities of regional radio broadcasting at the stage of socialist construction are still assessed from the standpoint of communist ideology. It is the time to revise some of the assessments and theses of research carried out in the age of communist authoritarianism. The article attempts to reveal the role of the regional radio journalism in the formation of the dictatorship of the Bolshevik party secretariat, to outline the main trends in the development of the North Caucasian radio, to show the evolution of forms and genres of broadcasting.

scholarly journals Under the Banner of the Prophet? Terek and Dagestan in the Flames of the Civil War

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10 (108)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Julia Biryukova
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
The North ◽  
Key Aspects

The review is devoted to Vladimir Borisovich Lobanov's monograph “Terek and Dagestan in the Flames of Civil War: Religious, military-political and ideological Confrontation in the 1917—1920s”, which touches on all the most important aspects of life in the North Caucasus in the era of revolution and Civil War. There is a serious source base of the study, which has absorbed, perhaps, a critical mass of documents on the problem, which allowed us to draw convincing conclusions. Lobanov highlighted the key aspects of the chosen topic: the development of autonomous self-government institutions in the North Caucasus against the background of the collapse of statehood, the Islamic factor in the Civil War, the emergence and activity of the spectrum of anti-Bolshevik forces, the role of the Cossacks and the Volunteer Army in military-political processes in the region. He also pays attention to the revolutionaries who played a significant role in the establishment of Soviet power in the region, analyzes the reasons for the victory of the Bolsheviks in the North Caucasus.

scholarly journals Land and interethnic relations in the North Caucasus in the XIX - early XX centuries

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
В.Д. Дзидзоев
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Land Rights ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Main Attention ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
Soviet Literature ◽  
Internal Policy ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Revolutionary Period

В статье рассматриваются сложнейшие проблемы взаимоотношений коренных народов Северного Кавказа в дореволюционный период. Особенно выделяются этнополитические противоречия между казаками и коренными народами, включая также так называемых иногородних, под которыми здесь следует понимать русских, украинцев и представителей других славянских народов. Основное внимание уделяется ущербной внутренней политике Российской империи, которая, как показано в статье, создавала большие привилегии для казачества, наделяя их лучшими земельными участками, а коренные народы, которые в советской литературе традиционно назывались горцами, лишались элементарных земельных прав. The article deals with the most complex problems of relations between the indigenous peoples of the North Caucasus in the pre-revolutionary period. The ethnopolitical contradictions between the Cossacks and the indigenous peoples, including the so-called nonresidents, which should be understood as Russians, Ukrainians and representatives of other Slavic peoples, are particularly highlighted. The main attention is paid to the fl awed internal policy of the Russian Empire, which, as shown in the article, created great privileges for the Cossacks, giving them the best land plots, and the indigenous peoples, who were traditionally called highlanders in Soviet literature, were deprived of elementary land rights.

scholarly journals Radio Broadcasting as a Component of the Bolshevist System of Authoritary Journalism of Autonomies of the North Caucasus: Stage of Formation

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-226
Author(s):  
Lema A. Turpalov
Keyword(s):  
Local Population ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Radio Broadcasting ◽  
Marxist Ideology

During the consolidation of Soviet power in the North Caucasus, the Bolshevik leadership considered broadcasting as the most important tool for introducing Marxist ideology into the consciousness of the mountain masses. This was caused by the fact that the local population was almost completely illiterate and print propaganda was not very effective. Meanwhile, the processes of formation of regional broadcasting are studied only fragmentarily. The article attempts to identify the main trends in the development of North Caucasian radio, to show the evolution of forms and genres of broadcasting, its transformation into the mouthpiece of the Bolshevik authoritarian regime.

scholarly journals SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF NAZHMUDDIN GOTSINSKY (1859-1925)

2018 ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
Imanutdin Kh. Sulaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The North ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Spiritual Leader ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Social Views ◽  
Revolutionary Period

The author tries to analyze the socio-political views of one of the authoritative religious and public figures of the North Caucasus and Daghestan in the first quarter of the 20th century - a mufti-imam Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky basing on the published works of different years, memoirs of the participants in the revolution and the Civil War, archival documents. The author analyzes the views of N. Gotsinsky through his key speeches, sermons and proclamations of 1917-1918. Nazhmuddin Gozinsky is a famous politician and spiritual leader, chairman of the Spiritual Council of the Union of United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan. He was one of the leaders of the counter-revolutionary movement in Dagestan in 1917-1921. On the basis of the studied materials the author draws a conclusion that social and political and social views of Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky reflected all contradictions of the revolutionary period and tragedy of the Civil war.

scholarly journals SECRET OFFICE WORK OF ORGANS OF THE CPSU (B). 1920S - EARLY 1930S. (ON MATERIALS OF THE NORTH CAUCASUS REGIONAL KK-RKI)

2017 ◽  
pp. 104-109
Author(s):  
I. G. Ivantsov
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Early Period ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Office Work ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
State Reform ◽  
The North ◽  
Further Development

The Article is devoted to the secret correspondence of the CPSU (b), which began its existence in the early period of Soviet power. In the USSR, 1922-1923 were secretly carried out of the party and state reform, in which was installed dictatorship of the ruling Communist party. The old model of domination of individual Bolshevik leaders were eliminated. All power concentrated in the hands of few of its leaders at the top. As further development, there is a simple and archaic system of government which is not bound to any laws or control of the company. Whoever was at the top, dispose of everything and governs all. The basis of the Soviet state was the hierarchy of party committees headed by appointed secretaries. In addition, after the entry of Stalin in the post of Secretary General of the relation of the Supreme party organs to the party apparatus on the ground began to carry secret correspondence between them was classified. Circle functionaries who were sent extracts of the minutes of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b), the party committees and individual orders of the secretaries of the Central Committee and party committees, persons carrying out intra-party correspondence was strictly limited.

Hoe oranjegezind waren de taalminnaren?

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Els Witte
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
The North ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Press ◽  
Dutch Language ◽  
The One ◽  
Official Status ◽  
Opposition Movement

Naar de Oranjegezinde grondleggers van de Vlaamse beweging is in de literatuur al heel wat aandacht gegaan. Maar wegens het gebrek aan een monografie  over het orangisme, kon deze groep niet in een breder kader worden geplaatst. Dank zij de publicatie van een dergelijke studie is dat nu wel mogelijk. Er blijkt uit dat de taalminnaren maar het zwakke broertje zijn van een beweging die ettelijke duizenden opposanten telt. Numeriek en politiek stellen ze niet veel voor en noch aan de contrarevoluties noch aan de harde oppositiebeweging in de pers dragen ze veel bij. Als literair bedrijvigen zitten ze gekneld tussen hun loyaliteit aan koning Willem I en het regime waarvan ze tot de revolutie van 1830 veel steun kregen, hun bekommernis om ook na 1830 hun baan te behouden en hun wens om in het Nederlands te blijven publiceren, ook nu die taal niet langer een officieel statuut heeft. Deze spagaat leidt bij de meesten tot een pragmatisch binnenkamersorangisme, waarna ze, met Jan Frans Willems op kop, de Belgische regering van Leopold I opzoeken, met interne conflicten, verzet vanwege  de orangistische beweging maar ook met een heropbloei van de literaire bedrijvigheid tot gevolg. Pas als het aftakelingsproces van het politieke orangisme zich na 1839 heeft ingezet, worden de contacten met de orangisten weer opgenomen en ondersteunen de onverzettelijken onder hen de oppositiebeweging van de flaminganten. Dat gebeurt zowel in Gent als in Antwerpen. Samen evolueren ze vervolgens in de richting van een heimweecultus. De orangistische taalminnaren doen echter al van voor 1839 inspanningen om de banden met het noorden aan te halen. Ze blijven er in de jaren 1840 voor ijveren en de eerste Congressen van 1849-1850 zetten de kroon op hun werk, waardoor ze in grote mate bijdragen aan de taalculturele samenwerking die zich sindsdiens en tot op de dag van vandaag tussen Vlaanderen en Nederland ontwikkelde.________How Orangist were the (Dutch) ‘language lovers’?The literature has already paid a lot of attention to the Orangist founding fathers of the Flemish movement. Because no monograph was available about Orangism, this group could not be placed in a wider context. However, this is now possible due to the publication of such a study. The study demonstrates that the ‘language lovers’ were only the poor relatives of a movement, which consisted of several thousands of opponents. They did not amount to much in numbers nor in politics and neither did they contribute much to counterrevolutions or a strong opposition movement in the press. As people active in literature they were caught between their loyalty to King William I and the regime from which they received a lot of support until the revolution of 1830 on the one hand and their concern to keep their jobs also after 1830 and their wish to be able to continue to publish in Dutch, even when this language now longer had an official status, on the other hand. This yawning gap induced most of them to a pragmatic private Orangism that led them under the leadership of Jan Frans Willems to look to the Belgian government of Leopold I to deal with internal conflicts and resistance from the Orangist movement, but which also led to a revival of literary activities.  It was only after the decline of the political Orangist movement had begun after 1839 that they renewed their contacts with the Orangists and then the most intransigent amongst them supported the Flemish opposition movement. This occurred both in Ghent and in Antwerp. Together they then evolved into a nostalgia cult. The Orangist ‘language lovers’, however, had already attempted before 1839 to develop closer ties to the North. They continued to fight for this during the 1840’s and the first Congresses of 1849-1850 became their crowning glory, allowing them to make a major contribution to the lingo-cultural cooperation, which has developed since then between Flanders and the Netherlands.

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