scholarly journals De la colaboración con el Estado a la protesta regionalista: la Junta de Minería de Copiapó desde las Reformas Borbónicas hasta la Guerra Civil de 1859.

2015 ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Joaquín Fernández Abara
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
Mining Areas ◽  
The Government ◽  
Early Republican

ResumenEl artículo sigue la trayectoria de la Junta de Minería de Copiapó y su relación con el Estado. Sostiene que en el período tardocolonial y a inicios del republicano, el gobierno de las zonas mineras de Copiapó requirió del apoyo de los mineros agremiados. Las autoridades fomentaron la agremiación de losmineros en la Junta de Minería, a la que delegaron funciones administrativas y dieron amplia autonomía. Sin embargo, los gobiernos republicanos no formalizaron dicha institución, la que se mantuvo regida por la costumbre. Losintentos de controlar la administración y los recursos de la Junta, realizados amediados de la década de 1850 por los agentes del Ejecutivo, cambiaron dicha relación, transformando a la Junta en un importante foco de conflictividadregionalista y abriendo un debate sobre su composición social.Palabras clave: Minería, Centralización, Construcción de Estado, Conflictividad Regionalista. From collaboration with the state to regional protest: The Junta de Minería of Copiapó from Bourbon Reformsto the civil war in 1859AbstractThe article studies the Junta de Minería of Copiapó and its relationship with the State. It argues that in the late colonial and early republican period, the government of Copiapo mining areas required support from the unionizedminers. The authorities encouraged unionization of miners delegating themadministrative functions with a wide autonomy. However, Republicans governmentsdid not formalize this institution which remained governed by custom.

Sources of the recognition of belligerent status

1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (192) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Zorgbibe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Equal Status ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Unilateral Action ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Whenever a large organized group believes it has the right to resist the sovereign power and considers itself capable of resorting to arms, war between the two parties should take place in the same manner as between nations…” This statement by de Vattel in the 19th century seemed destined to take its place as a part of positive law, constituting part of what was known as recognition of belligerency, tantamount to the recognition by the established government of an equal status for insurgents and regular belligerents. When a civil war became extensive enough, the State attacked would understand that it was wisest to acknowledge the existence of a state of war with part of the population. This would, at the same time, allow the conflict to be seen in a truer light. The unilateral action of the legal government in recognizing belligerency would be the condition for granting belligerent rights to the parties. It would constitute a demonstration of humanity on the part of the government of the State attacked and would also provide that government with prospects for effective pursuit of the war. By admitting that it was forced to resort to war, it would at least have its hands free to make war seriously.

scholarly journals Homeless in the homeland: Housing protests in Kazakhstan

2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Capital City ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
Local Currency ◽  
Professional Class ◽  
Moral Economies ◽  
Support Mechanisms ◽  
Informal Practices ◽  
The Government ◽  
Early Republican

This article tracks housing protests in Kazakhstan’s former capital city, Almaty, from 1989 to 2016 for what they reveal about shifting ideas of rights and obligations between citizens and state. Three broad models of moral economies of housing emerge: the first, during the Soviet period, where equal access to housing was nominally in return for labour; the second, during the early Republican period when pro-Kazakh policies favoured previously marginalised ethnic Kazakhs, and, the third, in the period 2004 – 2008, when the country’s wealth increased, before the financial crash and the plunging value of the local currency. This last period was when a professional class was increasingly valorised by the government with housing support mechanisms created specifically for them. Protests in each period highlight the failures of each model to provide secure, adequate housing. A constant theme of ‘illegal legality’ and informal practices, variously construed by citizens as moral, pragmatic or immoral, have consistently undermined both the achievement of housing promises and the safety and security of housing. The article explores the paradox of why citizens continue to demand help and interventions from the state amidst such pervasive untrustworthiness.

The Khāliṣah of Varamin

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansoureh Ettehadieh Nezam-Mafi
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Land Tenure ◽  
General Pattern ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
Climatic Conditions ◽  
The State ◽  
Regional Variations ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Government

The history and development of land tenure in Iran have been affected by many factors, including climatic conditions, scarcity of water, lack of security, widespread tribalism, and legal and administrative confusion. In addition to limitations in resources, political instability in the premodern period molded systems of land tenure in Iran. Changes of dynasty were frequent and usually followed by the confiscation and redistribution of land. The Qajar dynasty (1788–1925), which came to power after a long period of anarchy and civil war, continued that general pattern. There were three classes of land ownership in Iran in this period: waqfs (religious endowments), arbābī (land owned by large landlords), and khāliṣah (state-owned lands). This last category was composed of lands confiscated by the government as punishment for rebellion or failure to pay taxes. As land was often the only form of wealth landlords had, the threat of government confiscation was an instrument of control as well as a source of revenue for the state. The khāliṣah were usually rented out on long-term leases or were granted as ṭuyul, that is in lieu of services rendered or salaries deferred. The khāliṣah were also in some instances farmed directly by the government. These lands were cultivated by peasants under conditions similar to those of the arbābī lands. They were scattered throughout the country and were also subject to various local and regional variations in agricultural taxes.

LEARNING TO READ (AGAIN): THE SOCIAL EXPERIENCES OF TURKEY'S 1928 ALPHABET REFORM

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 677-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hale Yılmaz
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Personal Narratives ◽  
Social Experiences ◽  
The State ◽  
Learning To Read ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Early Republican ◽  
Repressive Regime

AbstractThis article reconsiders Turkey's 1928 alphabet reform by shifting the focus from the state to the social experiences of alphabet change. Rather than assuming an obedient and indifferent public silently following the decrees of an authoritarian and repressive regime, it explores the actual processes, institutions, and lived experiences of the alphabet reform by drawing on a variety of sources, including unpublished archival evidence and personal narratives collected through oral interviews. It draws attention to the multiplicity of experiences of learning to read and write (the new letters) as well as to the persistence of the Ottoman script; it also examines the variety of ways that state authorities dealt with this persistence. The analysis of this particular reformist measure has implications for understanding social change and the emergence of a nationalist culture in the early republican period as well as state–society relations and the nature of the Kemalist state.

scholarly journals Concessions and Repression in Conflict

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 865-899
Author(s):  
Akifumi Ishihara ◽  
Prakarsh Singh
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The State ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Threshold Estimation ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
Rebel Group ◽  
The Government

Abstract We build a model for predicting civil wars where the government bargains with a rebel group using concessions and repression. The equilibrium is either a state of perpetual peace where there are concessions but no repression or a state of repressive equilibrium that can lead to civil wars. At the lowest levels of political competition, a move towards open electoral participation decreases the ability of the state to use repression to limit challengers, increasing the likelihood of war. At higher levels, an increase in competition decreases the probability of war by increasing concessions to the rebel group. Increasing concessions makes war less likely because it decreases the spoils of war and provides one explanation for the non-monotonicity found between probability of civil war and democracy. We test the prediction of this non-linearity using the technique in [Hansen (2000). “Sample Splitting and Threshold Estimation.” Econometrica 68:575–603] and find evidence consistent with the model.

scholarly journals State Reluctance towards Inclusive Policies in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil ◽  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki ◽  
Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha ◽  
Vimalasiri Kamalasiri
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Ethnic Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
International Power ◽  
The Government

This study aims to identify the factors preventing the state from responding in a manner that will avoid future conflict in post-civil war Sri Lanka. After the government ended the separatist struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by bringing the civil war to an end in May 2009, the protracted and destructive 30-year war presented an opportunity for both state and society to learn many useful lessons from the long war. These lessons could have enabled the government to reconstitute the state as an inclusive institution, one in which minorities could also participate to ensure just and equitable development for all Sri Lankans. This study uses a qualitative research approach that involves analysis of critical categories. Findings of this study offer some crucial insights about Sri Lanka’s ethnic politics, particularly, the various factors have influenced the state to avoid inclusive policies. The key factor is the dilemma of post-independent political culture or traditions amongst ruling elites resulted in the avoidance of inclusive policies. This study also reveals some other factors that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society still prevail in Sri Lanka, hampering the institution of inclusive policies. Further, the paper highlights the failure of India and the International Community to pressurize the state of Sri Lanka to introduce inclusive mechanisms due to international power balance (China factor).

scholarly journals Tantangan Pemulihan Lingkungan di Masa Pandemi Covid-19: Antara Idealita dan Realita

PETITUM ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-130
Author(s):  
Zulfadhly Sanusi
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Economic Sustainability ◽  
Environmental Laws ◽  
Mining Areas ◽  
Mining Environment ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Business Entities

The research aims at examining the role of the State in the social and economic sustainability of natural resources around mining and the role of the community in enforcing environmental laws. This type of research uses normative legal research. The results of the study suggest that the responsibility of the State in restoring the mining environment must be carried out in the entire process starting from the stages of fulfilling permits, planning, implementing and controlling because the responsibility of business entities has not yet been regulated by the possibility of contaminating ex-mining areas after handover to the government. Post-mining environmental restoration activities only involve the authorities of the government and mining business actors without involving the community as an important element as well as parties directly related to the physical, economic and social environment of the mining environment.   Penelitian bertujuan tentang meninjau peran Negara atas keberlanjutan sumber daya alam di sekitar pertambangan secara sosial dan ekonomi dan peran serta masyarakat dalam penegakan hukum lingkungannya. Jenis penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian hukum normatif. Hasil penelitian mengemukakan bahwa tanggungjawab Negara dalam pemulihan lingkungan pertambangan harus dilakukan pada seluruh proses mulai dari tahapan pemenuhan perizinan, perencanaan, pelaksanaan dan pengawasan karena belum diaturnya tanggungjawab oleh badan usaha terhadap kemungkinan pencemaran bekas lahan tambang setelah penyerahan kepada pemerintah. Kegiatan pemulihan lingkungan pada pascatambang hanya melibatkan kewenangan pemerintah dan pelaku usaha pertambangan tanpa melibatkan masyarakat sebagai unsur penting dan juga pihak yang terkait langsung dengan keberadaan lingkungan fisik, ekonomi maupun sosial lingkungan pertambangan.

The Meanings of Anarchy

2021 ◽  
pp. 139-187
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
San Juan ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
Chief Minister ◽  
The Face ◽  
Early Republican

The chapter begins with a description of Mexico City during the early republican period. The theme of the chapter is Alamán’s first ministry, 1823-1825 (with some breaks), first under an interim triumvirate and then under the presidency of the independence hero Guadalupe Victoria. As the chief minister in the cabinet, whose portfolio embraced both interior affairs and foreign relations, Alamán dealt with such issues as the securing of sovereign loans from British banking houses, the American colonization of Texas, and the effort to force the Spanish forces out of the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, opposite the Gulf city of Veracruz. His chief preoccupation was the opposition in 1823 to the central government by several federalist chieftains in the important provinces of Nueva Galicia (shortly to be the State of Jalisco), Oaxaca, and others, in the face of which he managed to hold the country together.

Who Wins, Who Loses, Who Negotiates Peace in Civil Wars: Does Regime Type Matter?

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-498
Author(s):  
Anup Phayal ◽  
T David Mason ◽  
Mehmet Gurses
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
The State ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Negotiated Settlement ◽  
Peace Research ◽  
Conflict Duration ◽  
Regime Types ◽  
The Government ◽  
Competing Risk Models

Abstract Previous research has shown that the outcome of a civil war is related to conflict duration: military victory by either the government or the rebels occurs early if it occurs at all, and the longer a civil war lasts, the more likely it is to end in a negotiated settlement. The models of civil war duration and outcome that have produced these findings are built on characteristics of the civil war and less on attributes of the state itself, other than where the state lies on the Polity autocracy-democracy scale. We propose that how civil wars end varies not only between democracies and authoritarian regimes but among the different authoritarian regime types identified by Geddes, Wright, and Franz. The distinguishing attributes of these regime types—democracy, one-party, personalist, military, monarchical—should lead to different likelihood in defeating a rebel movement, being defeated by a rebel movement, and negotiating a peace agreement with a rebel movement. Results from a series of competing-risk models using the Uppsala–Peace Research Institute Oslo Armed Conflict Dataset demonstrate support for our claim that how civil wars end is partly a function of the characteristics of the regime.

scholarly journals The Debts of War

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Sprenkels
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
War Veterans ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Civil War Veterans ◽  
The Government

This article examines mobilization by civil war veterans of the insurgency and the government army. These veterans became a major political force in postwar El Salvador. I demonstrate that the ascendency of the war veterans hinged on the combination of two types of mobilization: “internal” mobilization for partisan leverage, and public mobilization to place claims on the state. By this bifurcated mobilization, veterans from both sides of the war pursued clientelist benefits and postwar political influence. Salvadoran veterans’ struggles for recognition revolve around attempts to transform what the veterans perceive as the “debts of war” into postwar political order. The case of El Salvador highlights the versatility and resilience of veterans’ struggles in post- settlement contexts in which contention shifted from military confrontation to electoral competition.

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