New Achievements in Russian Linguistics (Pedagogical Linguistics, Anthropooriented Linguistics, Political Communication Studies, Theological Linguistics)

2019 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. N. Bazylev
2021 ◽  
Vol 82 (6) ◽  
pp. 73-78
Author(s):  
V. N. Bazylev

Abstract. The paper is focused on relevant directions in modern Russian Linguistics. It is the continuation of the 2019 publication where the ideas of Pedagogical and Anthropo-Oriented Linguistics, Political Communication Studies and Theological Linguistics were introduced. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the expanding horizons of the science about the language of the 21st century. The particular sections of the text characterize the goals of modern linguistics, its key concepts, objectives and methods currently employed in the sphere of studying language and real discursive practices. The methodology of the research consists in describing new research paradigms. Such paradigms are objectively formed in the course of progressing scientific activity; their changes are triggered by the evolution of society, its socially valuable demand to upgrade not only science but also its educational system on the basis of certain conceptual, value, methodological and technological beliefs. The idea behind this paper is to help teachers to make sense of a big variety of modern linguistic ideas and opt for those which they can use to develop innovative approaches to teaching Russian.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199953
Author(s):  
Paul K Jones

Political communication studies has a long tradition of ‘crisis talk’ regarding the fate of public communication. Now, however, the field itself faces a kind of existential crisis as its core assumptions of ‘normal’ political communication are daily undermined. This ‘liberal normalcy’ shares much with orthodoxies in populism studies, most notably a tendency to bracket out demagogic communication, both in historical fascist regimes and democracies. Yet correcting these failings is not simply a matter of rejecting liberal models for left-populist ones. Rather, both fields need to broaden their historical parameters and deepen their theoretical frameworks. The article draws on the Weberian conception of modern demagogy and its revision in the wake of 'modern media' by Shils and Adorno. It further argues that a critical reworking of Hallin and Mancini’s media systems approach could benefit both fields. For Hallin and Mancini’s socio-historical use of Weberian ideal-typification complements Worsley’s never-completed plan for an ideal-typification of modes of populism and demagogic leadership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Noviana Sari ◽  
Siti Mauliana Hairini ◽  
Muhammad Fadhil Murabbi Amin

This study aims to determine how the informal communication strategy is used by women to achieve their political position in government villages. The essence of informal communications is not to follow any specific rules and procedures. the studies of informal communications have remained the question cause there is not a clear form of informal communication. This study has been contributed to the women's informal political communication in Baliuk village to fulfill the gap of informal communication studies. There are three strategies that women used to dominate political representatives in Baliuk Village Government. First, the women have dominated the political issue in Village, second, women’s have dominated the informal channel, second women dominated the informal political communication channels, and the third, women have dominated the informal campaign for BPD’s election. The main factors from those strategies are how the women do the interpersonal conversation and how they made gossip in every aspect and access of communication itself for their political interest. The women have a concern about how to use an alternative way of communications to gain power in a political position, then they have to succeed dominated Badan Permusyawaratan Desa or BPD as the representatives' institution for village people.


Author(s):  
Aaron Louis Rosenberg

This chapter investigates the phenomenon of emigrant Zairo-Congolese musicians in Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania and their attempts to integrate into these societies through a variety of strategies that overtly and covertly employ political elements. Remmy Ongala, Samba Mapangala, and the members of Orchestra Maquis all spent time in one of these countries and shaped their sound and messages in these settings, politics being a significant part of their work. While political communication studies focus on structures, institutions, and the media, it is the case that in numerous African contexts music is an integral part of political understanding and participation. Drawing upon the works of scholars such as Michael Urban, Mark Mattern, and Uche Onyebadi, this chapter combines varied fields such as ethnomusicology, political communication, and cultural studies to provide a close understanding of these musical emigrants as well as an exploration of the social trajectories in their work over the course of the last half century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
Burçe Çelik

The majority of current political communication studies focus on discursive dimensions of communications and disregard how communications partake in the governing of populations through economic, material and institutional practices. By focusing on Turkey’s case, here I move beyond this approach and examine the role of communications in the development of neoliberal capital accumulation, authoritarian welfare politics, political repression and the production of popular support. The article provides an empirical analysis of policy developments and plans and the restructuring of ownership and control of networks between 2002 and 2016 in Erdoğan’s Turkey.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 339-354
Author(s):  
Burçe Çelik

The majority of current political communication studies focuses on digital and social media, and overlooks the centrality of television for the production and endurance of strongman politics in the Global South. By focusing on the journalistic television productions aired during the June 2018 election period in Turkey, this article unpacks the televisual logic that is incarnated in different modalities of telling and narrating of televisual genres. I propose two main themes: the ‘political fear’ of physical and social security threats, and ‘post-truth communications’ as the main televisual idioms for a vision of the future that is either secure or chaotic, that is, with or without Erdoğan. By combining political economy, content and textual analysis, I scrutinise the production dynamics of the televisual economy and the control and content of factual segments.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Nikitin ◽  
Sergey Arteev

The paper presents the analysis of modern political communications in terms of availability of adequate information and scientific and educational resources within the political discourse. The theoretical and methodological framework of the article is based on political communication studies being the most essential focus area of modern political science. The authors present the analysis of history and the current state of political communication issues being an element and a tool to study political processes, identify the specific characteristics of public political discourse in the context of existing contradictions in social development. To resolve some of the difficulties, the authors present a new unique interface (link) between political science and political discourse – electronic resources of systematized political science publications and political documents in the form of online libraries with books, articles, reports, documents available – ‘Library of a Political Scientist’ and ‘Library of a Conflictologist’, which are a unique form of inventory of available scientific and educational resources. ‘The Library of a Political Scientist’ is more universal in nature and is intended for rather broad audience. ‘The Library of a Conflictologist’, although being a more specialized information and analytical resource, at the same time contains multimedia (photos, videos, maps, infographics) and interactive (test game on six conflicts) components, which is in line with the modern educational and research paradigm. These resources are a new way of filing political science publications; they are intended to maintain by means of information and references modern scientific discourse in Russia on topical issues of Russian national and international policy, as well as international political conflictology in the geopolitical arena of Russian interests.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 738-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tianru Guan

This commentary article posits the term ‘authoritarian determinism’ to describe a persistent and general problem with the current trend of China-focused political and communication theory, which emphasizes the centrality of the ‘repression-resistance’ axis in the formation of China’s political communication sphere, and identifies three related forms of reductionism (‘event-based’, ‘conflict-focused’, and ‘internally homogeneous’ perspectives) that characterize contemporary Chinese political communication studies. Based on this framework, this study examines how we might move beyond the abovementioned perspectives and rethink the relationships between the party state, various media actors’ representations of political issues, and individuals’ everyday civic discussions and engagements in contemporary China.


2021 ◽  
pp. 161189442110144
Author(s):  
Harm Kaal

Although often framed as politics ultimate ‘other’, it is hard to ignore that sport and the political are intimately connected. Historians, however, have up until now hardly reflected on the nature of this connection in the postwar years, on how the politicisation of sport has actually taken shape, and how actors and institutions have delineated, navigated, and crossed the boundaries between the two. This article tackles these questions through an analysis of three vectors of politicisation: political communication, struggles over the use of space, and governance and policy making. Based on a discussion of recent work at the intersection of political history, sport history, political science, geography, and communication studies, the article unearths the relationship between sport and personalised modes of political representation, explores the role of sport spaces as sites of community building and conflict, and the instrumentalisation of sport in policy schemes of the welfare state. It shows how policy schemes and governance arrangements drew sport into the orbit of the state; maps the various actors and institutions at the intersection of sport and politics, ranging from local residents’ groups to international non-governmental organisations; and highlights the gendered, exclusionary nature of new, popular forms of political communication through sport. All in all, the article makes the case for sport as a highly relevant field to engage with for those who are interested in the postwar history of political power, representation, communication, and governance.


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