scholarly journals The left-liberal skew of Western media

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emil O.W. Kirkegaard ◽  
Jonatan Pallesen ◽  
Emil Elgaard ◽  
Noah Carl

We gathered survey data on journalists’ political views in 17 Western countries. We then matched these data to outcomes from national elections, and constructed metrics of journalists’ relative preference for different political parties. Compared to the general population of voters, journalists prefer parties that have more left-wing positions overall (r’s -.47 to -.53, depending on the metric used), and that are associated with certain ideologies, namely environmentalism, feminism, social liberalism, socialism, and support for the European Union. We used Bayesian model averaging to assess the validity of the predictors in multivariate models. We found that, of the ideology tags in our dataset, ‘conservative’ (negative), ‘nationalist’ (negative) and ‘green’ (positive) were the most consistent predictors with nontrivial effect sizes. We also computed estimates of the skew of journalists' political views in different countries. Overall, our results indicate that the Western media has a left-liberal skew.

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (10) ◽  
pp. 880-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate L Mandeville ◽  
Rose-Marie Satherley ◽  
Jennifer A Hall ◽  
Shailen Sutaria ◽  
Chris Willott ◽  
...  

BackgroundLittle is known about the political views of doctors in the UK despite doctors' importance in the functioning of the National Health Service (NHS).MethodsThis is a survey-based, cross-sectional study in which we asked questions about voting behaviour in 2015 and 2017 UK general elections and 2016 referendum on leaving the European Union (EU) (Brexit), and questions relating to recent health policies.Results1172 doctors (45.1% women) from 1295 responded to an online survey. 60.5% described their political views as ‘left-wing’ and 62.2% described themselves as ‘liberal’. 79.4% of respondents voted to remain in the EU in the 2016 referendum compared with 48.1% of voters as a whole (χ2=819.8, p<0.001). 98.6% of respondents agreed that EU nationals working in the NHS should be able to remain in the UK after Brexit. The median score for the impact of Brexit on the NHS on a scale of 0 (worst impact) to 10 (best impact) was 2 (IQR=1–4). Most respondents agreed with the introduction of minimum alcohol pricing in the UK (73.9%), charging patients who are not eligible for NHS treatment for non-urgent care (70.6%) and protecting a portion of national spending for the NHS (87.1%). 65.8% thought there was too much use of NHS-funded private sector provision in their medical practice. Specialty, income and grade were associated with divergent opinions.ConclusionsUK doctors are left-leaning and liberal in general, which is reflected in their opinions on topical health policy issues. Doctors in the UK voted differently from the general electorate in recent polls.


Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 295
Author(s):  
Matteo Spada ◽  
Peter Burgherr

The accident risk of severe (≥5 fatalities) accidents in fossil energy chains (Coal, Oil and Natural Gas) is analyzed. The full chain risk is assessed for Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 28 Member States of the European Union (EU28) and non-OECD countries. Furthermore, for Coal, Chinese data are analysed separately for three different periods, i.e., 1994–1999, 2000–2008 and 2009–2016, due to different data sources, and highly incomplete data prior to 1994. A Bayesian Model Averaging (BMA) is applied to investigate the risk and associated uncertainties of a comprehensive accident data set from the Paul Scherrer Institute’s ENergy-related Severe Accident Database (ENSAD). By means of BMA, frequency and severity distributions were established, and a final posterior distribution including model uncertainty is constructed by a weighted combination of the different models. The proposed approach, by dealing with lack of data and lack of knowledge, allows for a general reduction of the uncertainty in the calculated risk indicators, which is beneficial for informed decision-making strategies under uncertainty.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Beck

The empirical literature on determinants of intra-industry trade (IIT) is vast and comprehensive, yet as the authors failed to properly account for model uncertainty it has brought inconsistent and conflicting results. To resolve this issue, Bayesian model averaging was applied to investigate the robustness of 48 potential determinants of bilateral IIT for the panel of 26 European Union countries over the 1999-2011 period. Application of BMA demonstrated that 11 of them are robust determinants of IIT, namely real GDP product, trade openness, membership in the European Union and the Euro area, corruption, and differences in factor abundance. Among the factors of production, the key role in the determination of IIT patterns can be assigned to the differences in human capital. Yet, transportation cost and cultural similarity have no impact on the IIT patterns.


Water ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 743 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jale Tosun ◽  
Rita Triebskorn

The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) Right2Water asked for guaranteed water quality and quantity all over Europe, and demanded that water services remain in the hands of public entities. Support for Right2Water was particularly pronounced in Germany. The German organisers managed to collect 16 times more signatures than the minimum necessary to be counted towards the quorum. How have the German political parties reacted to the overwhelming public support for Right2Water? To answer this question, we examined the election manifestos of the main political parties, published for the federal elections in 2005, 2009, 2013, and 2017, and the elections to the European Parliament in 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. We concentrated on one specific goal of Right2Water, which refers to preventing the liberalisation of water services in the European Union. We expected the attention to and positioning of the liberalisation of water services to vary across the individual German parties. Since Right2Water was organised by public service trade unions and pursues an anti-liberalisation agenda, we expected left-wing parties to have laid a greater emphasis on this issue than right-wing parties, and for them to have adopted positions that aligned with the goals of the ECI. Our empirical findings show that a left–right division exists among the parties concerning the attention they paid to this issue as well as how they positioned themselves.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ersin Kalaycıoğlu

AbstractIn a democracy it is through the process of voting that people find an opportunity to register their likes and dislikes of domestic and foreign policy decisions most effectively. In Turkey, the recent national elections on 22 July 2007 provided an opportunity to observe the nexus between voters’ choices and foreign policy issues. Questions pertaining to problems facing the country and the campaign issues fail to give any clue as to whether people paid attention to foreign policy in making their choices among the political parties of the country. However, a closer examination of the factors determining the vote indicates that, although party identification and satisfaction with the performance of the economy and the expectations of the government in managing the economy played major roles, attitudes towards the European Union (EU), nationalism, and globalization closely followed in magnitude those two factors in determining the voters’ party preferences across the left-right spectrum. While AKP supporters had the most favorable attitude towards the EU, MHP supporters appeared highly nationalistic, and CHP voters seemed most influenced by positive orientations to openness to the world.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimiter Toshkov

What are the political consequences of immigration? Theoretically, the mechanisms of intergroup contact and outgroup threat can lead to contradictory effects, and it remains uncertain which one would prevail in different contexts. In this article I study the impact of immigration from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) on support for Eurosceptic parties between 2004 and 2019 in the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Italy and Portugal. I find that higher levels of immigration from CEE are systematically related to higher voting shares cast for right-wing Eurosceptic parties at the local level in all of these countries, net of the influence of non-Western immigration. In most countries, the effects are also robust to including a rich set of local-level socio-economic controls. These effects can be found in elections for the European Parliament as well as in national elections. The effects have not diminished over the past 15 years and are most visible in mid-sized localities. The effect on left-wing Euroscepticism is positive in the Netherlands, but negative in Denmark, Sweden and Italy. These results highlight the tension between free movement and political support for European integration. Even in the European Union, immigration from other member states can trigger hostile political reactions.


Author(s):  
Vitalij Semenko

The article deals with peculiarities of the regular elections in the Republic of Austria to the European Parliament in 2014, as well as the main reasons for the success of nationalists, left-wing parties, eurosceptics, populists, far-right political parties, even though the pro-European forces have retained their majority. The main results of the parliamentary elections, the conclusions of eminent political scientists, experts who researched election to the European Parliament are in details analyzed. Also, the main objectives and tasks of the party and election programs of political parties in Austria are in details characterized, which are represented in the European Parliament, this important supranational body of the European Union. Specific features of obtaining by Austria of 18 seats on the 8th next elections to the European Parliament are revealed, which took place on May 25, 2014. Keywords: Political party, euroscepticism, elections, populism, political system


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Paulo Vila Maior

The results of the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections cast an unprecedented challenge for the European Union (EU). Growing popularity of right-wing and left-wing, populist and radical political parties and the rising number of members of the parliament materialise the challenge. The article explores the seismic effects of the reconfiguration of the political landscape for European integration. The rising number of populist and radical political parties’ members of the parliament might weaken the political centre of gravity in the EP. Since the EP plays an important role on the legislative process of the EU, populist and radical parties’ Euroscepticism (if not their standpoint against the EU) might pervade the EP and threaten the EU with the prospect of setback, or at least stagnation.


Author(s):  
Andrzej Cieślik ◽  
Oleg Gurshev ◽  
Sarhad Hamza

AbstractThis paper investigates the determinants of outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) of British multinational firms in the European Union (EU) and the European Free Trade Association members across 2009–2019 using Bayesian model averaging. We find evidence that supports the existence and dynamic behavior of the East–West structure of FDI between three groups of countries: core-EU, Central and Eastern European economies (CEE), and the Nordics. Further, we document the importance of relative market size, urbanization, the rule of law in attaining horizontal FDI in the core-EU economies. In turn, infrastructure spending and enhanced political stability are the most important drivers for FDI in CEE (post-2000 accession). Finally, our results highlight the negative effects of the Eurozone crisis and Brexit anticipation on British OFDI activity in the region. The findings remain robust when accounting for potential MNE profit shifting to partners such as Ireland, Luxembourg, and alike.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (11) ◽  
pp. 96-105
Author(s):  
A. Bardin ◽  
M. Sigachev

The article is devoted to comparative political analysis of environmentalist political parties and movements in the member states of the European Union. The authors study European greens with reference to the new wave of left-wing populism that originated in 2010s, and analyze the main reasons for the growing influence of ecological and left-populist parties and movements in European societies. Case studies of a number of EU member states demonstrate close and multidimensional interdependence between the green and populist discourses. The authors outline the key factors that determine this interrelation and conclude that a general left-green discourse is emerging, based on a common commitment of the corresponding political parties and movements, as well as ecological non-governmental organizations, to a post-industrial, socio-ecological approach to world development. Moreover, this discourse is influenced by the COVID 19 pandemic, which dealt a huge blow to the global and most national economies and, most importantly, to vulnerable social groups. The current “corona crisis” will inevitably deepen the social inequality, which has always served as a breeding ground for populism. The closest example is the rise of populist movements, such as Syriza (Greece) and Podemos (Spain) in the aftermath of the 2008 international financial crisis. The post-crisis reality is likely to be marked by an increasing demand for socially oriented ecologism, with the left-green responding to this request. Therefore, one can expect a new wave of populism, exploiting the inability of many governments to provide effective response to the pandemic. This new wave is likely to be characterized by the convergence of eco-social discourse with left-wing populist and even left-wing radical discourse driven by a common commitment to post-capitalism. The crisis is also likely to attract attention of wider segments of population to global problems, including social and ecological ones. This, in turn, is likely to give an impetus to new models of development, such as “responsible development”, based on the orientation toward non-material production and consumption, intellectual and creative resources, and the use of nature-friendly technologies.


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