scholarly journals Tra parole e immagini

Author(s):  
Silvia Camilotti

In this essay I analyse the different meanings of travelling in the writing of Rosalia Bossiner, who spent three years in Eritrea, from 1893 to 1896, following her husband there as he took part in the military campaigns to colonise Eritea. In particular I focus on the relation between writing and pictures in her autobiography, Tre anni in Eritrea, since Bossiner was also a photographer; despite photography’s seeming ability to lend objectivity to her writing, I argue that in the colonial context what is depicted by the photographer and especially what is left out of the camera is meaningful and shows the power imbalance in the relationship between the one who takes the photos and her/his object.

1971 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul G. Forand

In antiquity and in the Middle Ages slavery played a significant role in the military, economic, political and social life of the Near East. Many studies have been made of these aspects of life, but little has been said in the context of Islam about the psychological bonds which, at least to some extent, characterize the relationship between slave or freedman and master. The institution of ‘mutual alliance’ also played an important part in Islamic history, and there were certain similarities between the relation of the ‘ally’ to the patron on the one hand, and of the freedman to the former master on the other. But it is the purpose of this discussion, in part, to point out some basic differences between the two relationships.


Author(s):  
Ivan Šprajc

During the last three millennia before the Spanish Conquest, the peoples living in the central and southern parts of modern Mexico and the northern part of Central America evolved into complex societies with a number of common characteristics that define the cultural area known as Mesoamerica and are expressed in technology, forms of subsistence, government, architecture, religion, and intellectual achievements, including sophisticated astronomical concepts. For the Aztecs, the Maya, and many other Mesoamerican societies, Venus was one of the most important celestial bodies. Not only were they aware that the brightest “star” appearing in certain periods in the pre-dawn sky was identical to the one that at other times was visible in the evening after sunset; they also acquired quite accurate knowledge about the regularities of the planet’s apparent motion. While Venus was assiduously observed and studied, it also inspired various beliefs, in which its morning and evening manifestations had different attributes. Relevant information is provided by archaeological data, prehispanic manuscripts, early Spanish reports, and ethnographically recorded myths that survive among modern communities as remnants of pre-Conquest tradition. The best-known is the malevolent aspect of the morning star, whose first appearances after inferior conjunction were believed to inflict harm on nature and humanity in a number of ways. However, the results of recent studies suggest that the prevalent significance of the morning star was of relatively late and foreign origin. The most important aspect of the symbolism of Venus was its conceptual association with rain and maize, in which the evening star had a prominent role. It has also been shown that these beliefs must have been motivated by some observational facts, particularly by the seasonality of evening star extremes, which approximately delimit the rainy season and the agricultural cycle in Mesoamerica. As revealed by different kinds of evidence, including architectural alignments to these phenomena, Venus was one of the celestial agents responsible for the timely arrival of rains, which conditioned a successful agricultural season. The planet also had an important place in the concepts concerning warfare and sacrifice, but this symbolism seems to have been derived from other ideas that characterize Mesoamerican religion. Human sacrifices were believed necessary for securing rain, agricultural fertility, and a proper functioning of the universe in general. Since the captives obtained in battles were the most common sacrificial victims, the military campaigns were religiously sanctioned, and the Venus-rain-maize associations became involved in sacrificial symbolism and warfare ritual. These ideas became a significant component of political ideology, fostered by rulers who exploited them to satisfy their personal ambitions and secular goals. In sum, the whole conceptual complex surrounding the planet Venus in Mesoamerica can be understood in the light of both observational facts and the specific socio-political context.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-62
Author(s):  
Patricio N. Abinales

This article re-examines the relationship between military intervention on the one hand, and civilian supremacy over the military and the enduring popularity and potency of suffrage and legislative politics, on the other. It shows how these two enduring features of Philippine politics have proven to be quite effective deterrents in neutralizing extremist acts like the coup. As “performative acts,” they help stabilize the Philippine polity by providing an alternative outlet for mass resentment or protest and help to neutralize rival radical rebellions. These also enable a weak state to reform or rejuvenate after periods of profound political crisis, albeit only partially. The coup, however, is a poor rival:its history is far shorter and littered with failures. It has since ceased to be a weapon of choice by military actors who now prefer cacique democracy as the arena in which to pursue their interests. This was evident during the term of Pres. Fidel Ramos and while the military leadership did launch a de facto coup by withdrewing its support for Pres. Joseph Estrada, it immediately reverted to the proverbial backroom deals and patronage relations with its civilian superiors under Pres. Gloria Arroyo.


2021 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Beatrice Heuser

Clausewitz’s writings stand in two traditions. On the one hand, with his own very narrow definition of strategy, “Strategy is the use of the [military] engagement for the purpose of the war,” he continued a tradition that goes back to Paul-Gédéon Joly de Maizeroy and beyond him to Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. It is not least because of Clausewitz’s espousal of this tradition that this narrow definition still dominated Soviet thinking. On the other hand, Clausewitz stood in a new tradition reflecting on the relationship between a political purpose of the war itself. This goes back to Guibert, Kant, Rühle von Lilienstern but also a long-forgotten anonymous work probably written by Zanthier. This dwelt on the bureaucratic process of strategy-making in the interface between (politically dominated) foreign policy and (hardware- and means-dominated) military policy. It is ultimately to the latter tradition that we owe his reflections on the domination of political considerations captured in his famous line about war being the continuation of politics by other means. This in turn is the foundation on which most other reflections on grand strategy have been built.


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Amanor-Boadu ◽  
S. Starbird

Enforcing compliance standards in supply chains using inspection and other traditional mechanisms may exacerbate the non-compliance effort by those who see these mechanisms as evidence of power imbalance in the relationship. The easier it is for anonymity to exist in supply chain relationships, the greater the incentive for non-compliance, thus creating value for anonymity. We argue that total chain performance can be enhanced by designing and operating supply chains in ways that provided enduring positive signals from the environment to minimize adverse perceptions of powerlessness, coercion and unfairness and increase members' perception of their identity with the organisation. We also explore the interaction between these perception factors and the human factors of opportunism, bounded rationality and risk aversion on the one hand and the environmental factors on the other.


Obraz ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-75
Author(s):  
Iryna Nasminchuk

The author of the article analyzes the issues and poetics of the documentary and journalistic publication by M. Slaboshpytsky «The Great War. 2014… Ukraine: challenges, events, materials». The influence of the military factor on human consciousness is being clarified. Peculiarities of the author’s concept of human and military dialectics are revealed in the aspect of anthropological reception. In this perspective, the relationship between the antinomies «man – power», «man – society», «man – state», «man – nation» is analyzed. It is proved that the first year of the war was reflected in different levels of traumatic experience. Thus, the creative meaning of the author’s idea manifested itself in the design of the journalistic text as a sharp contrast between the desperate heroism of Ukrainian soldiers on the one hand and the incompetence of the command on the other.


2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (1 and 2) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Hayashi Makoto

Onmyōdō was widely disseminated in Japan from around the tenth century. Astronomy, calendar making, yin-yang practices, and the allotment of time were under the jurisdiction of the Onmyōryō (Ministry of Yin-Yang), but Onmyōdō soon developed from a yin-yang practice into religious practice. Onmyōdō rituals were created in Japan under the influence of kami worship, Buddhism, and Daoism. The study of Onmyōdō was initially focused on activities performed within the aristocratic society, but increasingly new research is being conducted on the relationship between the military government (bakufu) and Onmyōdō. The interest in political history has encouraged the study of the different ways in which the shoguns of the Kamakura, Muromachi and Edo periods have utilized yin-yang practitioners (onmyōji) and conducted rituals. Source evidence suggests that Tokugawa shoguns were not afraid of astronomical irregularities (with the one exception of the fifth Shogun). During the rule of Tsunayoshi, a new calendar, created by Shibukawa Shunkai, made it possible to predict solar and lunar eclipses more accurately, and consequently people were no longer afraid of these phenomena. At the same time, the Tsuchimikado family was given official sanction to control the onmyōji of all provinces.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-323
Author(s):  
Vasile Roman ◽  
Maria Roman

Abstract Any organization is in a permanent search for reputable leaders. Leaders adopt a behaviour reflected by their professional training and ego-esteem. Ego-perception reflects how a person is seen as a genre (how is?), as an identity (who is?), as an image of his/her ego (what is?), as self-opinion (what has?) and as an object (what affects?). The perception of those around them revolves around the things that are known to themselves and to the others (such as the physical reflection), the things the person knows about but the others do not know (personalities not shown), the things others know about him/her own person, but about which he/she does not know (personality traits that are perceived differently) and things that neither the person nor the others know (the ones in the unconscious). To be effective, the leader needs to know himself/herself and the environment in which he/she is acting, and to constantly pursue the relationship between ego-perception and perception of others about him/her. The desired report is the one in which the personal perception is the same as that of the others. Any significant variation leads to under or overestimation and, implicitly, to negative effects on the leadership process.


Author(s):  
Anshu N. Chatterjee

What role does India’s military play in its politics? India’s military is one of the largest in the world, with a budget that mirrors its enormity. It is a busy force, having fought five wars since 1947 and having managed persistent insurgencies in India’s northeast and the one in Kashmir since the 1990s. Prevailing studies on its role in India’s institutional structures often characterize it as a body external to the governance of a diverse, and at times perplexing, developing democracy that only intervenes when called on. Its comparatively lower underfunding to its main external threats and exclusion from strategic planning draws a significant amount of scholarly interest that seeks to explain this professional stance of India’s armed sentinels. The focus of such studies on the regulating mechanisms and the lack of resources available for the forces contextualized by India’s external challenges, which often produce institutional anxiety, blur an understanding of the military’s influence on politics in India. Instead, the question of what role the military plays in India’s politics requires an inquiry into the collaborative linkages that were initiated at the end of colonial rule, when the civilian authorities and the military elite acknowledged each other’s importance in the consolidation of a modern nation-state. Although fear of the guardians guided some initial safeguards by the new civilian authorities, the relationship that emerged soon after reflected extensive collaboration in the face of external and internal threats, which is often ignored in India’s civil–military studies. A closer inquiry into the mutuality of the decision making during selected conflicts brings to fore an understanding of the institutional insight that has allowed the military to influence resource management, participate in governance, and shape political competition in a democratic context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 421-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo José Peralta Labrador ◽  
Jorge Camino Mayor ◽  
Jesús Francisco Torres-Martínez

Over the centuries, Spanish historiography has attached great importance to the wars that Octavian launched at the start of the last third of the 1st c. B.C. against the population in the north of the Iberian peninsula. In this way he intended to bring an end to the long conquest of Iberia that had begun two centuries earlier in the hegemonic struggle with Carthage. Although the wars previously attracted the attention of European scholars, today they play little part in the historiography of the Early Roman Empire and even less in the biographies of Augustus, who suffered some of his worst military fortunes in this war, putting his very life in danger (Suet., Aug. 29.3 and 81.1; Hor., Carm. 3.14; Dio 53.25.5-7; Oros. 6.21.4). Even Departments of Ancient History in Spanish universities have failed to progress beyond well-worn exegesis of the written sources. This is because until just two decades ago all the information came from two historical sources: Florus and Orosius, on the one hand, and Dio Cassius, on the other (the relevant books of Livy being lost). Although they stress the importance of the conflict, these sources are excessively laconic; they have also been subjected to erudite speculations about place-names that have turned the military campaigns into a series of historiographic fictions.1


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