scholarly journals Territorial and political development of independent Ukraine: Long-standing problems and new challenges

Author(s):  
Myroslav Dnistryanskyy

The concept of territorial and political development is exposed. The trends of the dynamics of regional differentiation of the electoral and political activity of citizens of Ukraine for the entire current period of its independence, main regional and political problems are identified. It is concluded that the at the first stage of territorial and political development (1991–2000 years), despite widespread Soviet identity and significant differentiation of mental and political moods, preconditions for interregional rapprochement or understanding though slowly formed, the issue of including Crimea into the legal field of Ukraine is solved. Territorial and political development of Ukraine in the direction of conflict was oriented since 2000, as a result of the mobilization of pro-Russian forces by the leadership. It appeared in the polarization of electoral and political attitudes, expanding the range of openly anti-Ukrainian political organizations, imposing the federal organization for Ukraine. Prospects for sovereign territorial and political development of Ukraine aggravated when in 2010 Russia continued to stay the Black Sea Fleet in the Crimea, and actually took control of the state security forces. Russia has moved to the open annexation of Ukrainian territories in the spring of 2014, occupying Crimea and Donetsk region that marked a new phase of territorial and political development of Ukraine. It is the restoration of the sovereignty and political integrity, countering Russian aggression and its attempts to destabilize the situation in other regions are the main challenges facing Ukraine at present. Key words: territorial and political development, regional and political issues of Ukraine, electoral geography, regional polarization of political attitudes, regional separatism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-68
Author(s):  
Andriy Tkachuk

In this general article withsecurity dimension of Ukrainian-Russian relations around Crimea in the political activity of the People’s Movement of Ukraineis discussed. The key political statements of the PMU concerning the Crimea and Sevastopol military base of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation were investigated. An assessment of the position of political force on Russian policy in the Crimea is given. It was found out that in their activity, the members of the PMU paid constant attention to the lack of a clear state policy of the Ukrainian authorities regarding the Crimea and the military contingent located on the peninsula of the Russian Federation. In most cases, the PMU pointed out that the lack of well thought-out Ukrainian policy in the Crimea along with the activity of Russia itself is a catalyst for destabilizing events on the peninsula. Particular attention of the «Rukhvtsy» paid attention to the activity of various cultural and educational groups in the Crimea, which were completely loyal to Russia. In addition, the special emphasis in the article is made in the position of the PMU on the base of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation. It was found out that in the vision of political power, the presence of the Black Sea Fleet of Russia in the Crimea was destabilizing not only on the socio-political situation in the Crimea, but also throughout the territory of Ukraine. At the same time, «Rukhvtsy» indicated that the lack of well-thought Ukrainian policy in bilateral relations around Crimea could further develop into a full-scale conflict. The main proposals of the PMU concerning the possible regulation of tension in bilateral relations are outlined. It is concluded that in 1991–2008 the People’s Movement of Ukraine as a political force was clearly aware of the hidden threats to national security contained in the Ukrainian-Russian relations around Crimea. At the same time, in spite of numerous political statements and appeals to the top government of the state, the proposals voiced by the PMU did not take into account in any way that in the future they became a catalyst for the beginning of Russian open aggression against Ukraine.


Author(s):  
V.K. Khilchevskyi ◽  

In contrast to the hydrological and hydrochemical zoning, hydrographic and water management zoning of Ukraine (2016) was created on a basin basis, taking into account the boundaries of river basins, and not physiographic zoning. The main function of hydrographic and water management zoning is water management. Primary is hydrographic zoning, and water management - based on it. The description of modern hydrographic zoning of the territory of Ukraine, approved in 2016 by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and included in the Water Code of Ukraine is given. Hydrographic zoning is carried out for the development and implementation of river basin management plans. On the territory of Ukraine nine areas of river basins are allocated: Dnipro; Dnister; Danube; Southern Bug; Don; Vistula; rivers of the Crimea; rivers of the Black Sea coast; rivers of the Azov Sea coast 13 sub-basins are allocated in four river basins district. The water management zoning is described - the division of hydrographic units into water management areas, which is carried out for the development of water management balances. In the regions of the river basins in the territory of Ukraine allocated 132 water management areas, 59 of which are located in the Dnipro basin. About 9,000 bodies of surface water allocated for monitoring in Ukraine. Approved zoning is the implementation of the provisions of the EU Water Framework Directive 2000/60 / EC in the management of water resources in Ukraine. Modern hydrographic and water management zoning of the territory of Ukraine approximates the management of water resources of the state to European requirements.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1128-1136
Author(s):  
Olga V. Bershadskaya ◽  

The article studies features of socio-economic and socio-political development of the Black Sea village in 1920s. Documents from the fond of the Black Sea District Committee (Obkom) of the RCP (b) -VKP (b) stored in the Center for Documentation of the Modern History of the Krasnodar Krai allow not only to reconstruct the developments in the Black Sea village in the NEP days, but also to understand the nature of its evolution. Uniqueness of the Black Sea village was greatly determined by its geographical environment. There had formed a sectoral makeup of agricultural production: fruit-farming, viticulture, tobacco growing. Rugged relief forced peasants to form holdings or farms; therefore rural communities were rare. Its another distinctive feature was its motley national composition. Over 50 ethnic groups inhabited the district, among most numerous were the Russians, the Ukrainians, the Armenians, and the Greeks. In the first years of the NEP, the main tasks facing district authorities were to develop ‘high-intensity’ industries and to shape local peasant farms into food base for cities and resorts. While tackling these tasks, they had to deal with shortages of land and poor communications and to bring lease relations and work-hands employment up to scratch. The situation was complicated by socio-political inertia of rural population of the district that came from the absence of community tradition. Study of the documents from the fond of the Black Sea party obkom shows that local authorities were well aware of the peculiarity of their region, but in most cases had to follow guidelines set ‘from above’ to introduce all-Russian standards.


1972 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 529-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward B. Blanchard ◽  
M. Eugene Scarboro

Rotter's (1966) I-E Scale and Mirels' (1970) Political Activity Factor derived from that scale were shown to have no significant value in predicting the voting behavior or political attitudes of 18- or 19-yr.-old college students voting for the first time or of older students who had been eligible to vote in a previous election Parental voting behavior and political attitudes were not significantly related to those behaviors and attitudes in students.


1987 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 337-342
Author(s):  
Eric Monkkonen

Samuel Kernell's article “The Early Nationalization of Political News in America,” in Studies in American Political Development: An Annual (1986), 1: 255–78, raises issues that are at once interesting and puzzling. He measures the number and length of all political articles in leading Cleveland newspapers through the middle decades of the nineteenth century in order to ask about the amount of newspaper attention paid to local, state, and national political issues. He observes that local issues were predominant only very early in the nineteenth century and that they declined quickly over time. Kernell concludes that politics nationalized far earlier than historians like Robert Wiebe had ever thought. Wiebe's “island communities” were gone by 1845. It is a clever piece of research of substantial significance.


Author(s):  
Zalina V. Sosranova ◽  
Zalina M. Basieva

The article examines the scale and methods of the anti-Russian military-political activity of British emissaries in the Western Caucasus in the first half of the 19th century. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time in the work the intelligence activity of British “traveling” agents in the Western Caucasus is subjected to a special study, as an independent, gaining strength way of fighting in international contradictions for the Caucasus. The relevance of the topic of the proposed article seems to us indisputable due to the incompleteness of international rivalry and the eternal Eastern question. Russian Empire in the late 20s — early 30s XIX century. took possession of all legal rights to the North-West Caucasus and outlets to the Black Sea. With its confident military successes and new territorial accessions, Russia threw a serious challenge to the European powers, and especially England, the dominant power on the European continent at that time. One of the most important tasks of England is to nullify all the achievements of Russia in Turkey and prevent its consolidation in the territory of the Western Caucasus. England, adhering to the favorite method of “raking in the heat with someone else’s hands”, and in Circassia is testing its effectiveness. Since the 30s. XIX century. Numerous British agents flooded the Caucasus, turning the Circassians against Russia. The Black Sea coast of the Caucasus has become a place of uninterrupted supply of weapons to the mountaineers. As a result of the work, the author comes to the conclusion that the sources considered in the work can represent a scientific basis for confirming the involvement of Britain in anti-Russian agitation in the Western Caucasus. The uninterrupted supply of weapons to the highlanders organized by British agents helped to maintain military tension and a fighting spirit in Circassia.


Psihologija ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-175
Author(s):  
Srdjan Puhalo

There are two social democratic parties in Bosnia Herzegovina: SNSD and SDP BiH. These two parties differ regarding their origin and their political activity in Bosnia Herzegovina. Thus, it was assumed that voters of the two parties differ regarding their national composition, socio-demographic characteristics and political attitudes. In May of 2007 a face to face interview was conducted with 260 voters of SNSD and 147 voters of SDP BiH. SNSD?s voters were found to be less tolerant, less liberal and more prone to nationalism and the feeling of ethical superiority relative to voters of SDP BiH. As a matter of fact, SNSD?s voters were more similar to voters of some nationalistic political parties like SDS then to voters of SDP BiH. The observed differences between political attitudes of SNSD and SDP BiH voters was explained by increasing ethnic tensions in Bosnia Herzegovina in Spring of 2007 and by their essential dissimilarity: SNSD?s primary objective is Republika Srpska and its survival, while SDP BiH insist on unity of Bosnia Herzegovina.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anetta Barska ◽  
Janina Jędrzejczak-Gas

The aim of the article is to present the regional differentiation of indicators characterizing the economic development of Polish regions in the context of the progress made in the implementation of the concept of sustainable development in 2010 and 2017. The authors focused primarily on determining the position of Lubuskie Province on the economic map of Poland. The article proposes a set of indicators monitoring one of the areas of sustainable development - economic development, which also take into account other areas of sustainable development, i.e. social development, environmental development, and institutional-political development. The main criterion for the selection of indicators were substantive premises and their completeness and accessibility across the regions. The analysis and evaluation of the proposed indicators (explanatory variables) were conducted within five thematic areas which mark the economic development of the regions and which are important from the standpoint of the sustainable development concept: 1) Potential of the economy 2) Innovativeness of the economy 3) Economic activity of enterprises, 4) Production and transportation, 5) Economic activity of households. The article consists of two sections. In the first section, based on literature review, the most important issues regarding the concept of sustainable development and the state of scientific research on the indicators of sustainable development at regional level are presented. The second section addresses the concept of indicator analysis on the basis of which an assessment of economic development of 16 Polish regions was carried out and the position of Lubuskie Province was determined against the backdrop of the other regions. The findings prompted an answer to the question concerning the economic development of Polish regions, and in particular of Lubuskie Province, in the context of the concept of sustainable development.Keywords: indicator analysis, region, sustainable development, economic development, Poland


Author(s):  
N.S. Pivovarova

This paper investigates the features of the US mass media approaches in creating the image of Hugo Chavez on the eve of the Venezuela 1998 Presidential Elections. The paper studies the historical context, which influenced the creation of Chavez's image. The socio-economic and political development of Venezuela in those days is analyzed. The key traits of Chavez’s image highlighted during the period under study, as well as the emotional background of the publications, are analyzed. Although both the domestic and foreign historiography has paid a most sufficient attention to the history of Venezuela, the biography and political activity of Hugo Chavez, his image as a presidential candidate in the 1998 Venezuela elections remains unexplored. This work aims to fill this gap. The paper systematically examines the materials of the three major US newspapers, namely, the “New York Times”, the “Wall Street Journal”, and the “Los Angeles Times”, published from July to December, 1998. The established methodologies of document analysis and quantitative content analysis are applied. The study leads to the conclusion that the USA mass media created a negative image of Hugo Chavez during the pre-election period, implementing understatements and a negative emotional background in their publications.


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