Female Combatants in African Wars and Conflicts

Author(s):  
Tatyana Denisova ◽  
◽  
Sergey Kostelyanets

In most Russian and international studies, including African ones, their authors portray African women that reside in areas affected by civil wars and conflicts as victims of violence, robbery, forced labor, etc. At the same time, it is rarely taken into account that in most national liberation movements and rebel groups the number of women fighters constituted and still constitutes 10-30% of their rank and file. Moreover, many women became field commanders, chiefs of intelligence, or were responsible for the supply of weapons and ammunition. The present authors provide a new interpretation of the participation and role of women in the confrontation between armed anti-government factions and the central government. It is noted that in recent decades, not only in Africa, but also in other parts of the world, the trend towards “feminization of the militarization process” has become extremely noticeable. Many women, along with men, participate in acts of violence, including against the civilian population, and thus contribute to the destabilization of the internal political situation. Women most actively participated in hostilities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zimbabwe, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Eritrea and Ethiopia. The present paper looks into reasons and consequences of women’s involvement in insurgencies. It is pointed out that while during the years of the national liberation struggle women were motivated by the overarching goal of achieving independence, in later conflicts many of them fought to expand their political and economic rights and opportunities, i.e., to achieve gender equality. In addition to joining “armed groups” for ideological reasons, women tried to prove that they were “no worse than men”; others joined the ranks of the insurgents to protect themselves and other women from violence or death, i.e., they followed a kind of “survival strategy”. Particular attention is paid to suicide bombers, who have been increasingly used by the Islamist organization Boko Haram in recent years. The authors also consider the conditions in which demobilized women-combatants find themselves. The authors conclude that as the level of women’s involvement in African conflicts is constantly growing, it ceases to be an anomaly and to some extent reflects the “successes” achieved by the “fair sex” in the struggle for equality, although the negative consequences of this participation prevail over the positive ones.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
Olga Dzhenchakova

The article considers the impact of the colonial past of some countries in sub-Saharan Africa and its effect on their development during the post-colonial period. The negative consequences of the geopolitical legacy of colonialism are shown on the example of three countries: Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Angola, expressed in the emergence of conflicts in these countries based on ethno-cultural, religious and socio-economic contradictions. At the same time, the focus is made on the economic factor and the consequences of the consumer policy of the former metropolises pursuing their mercantile interests were mixed.


Author(s):  
G. M. Sidorova

The research focuses on the problem of military-political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo experiencing continued armed conflict for a long time. Dozens of illegal armed groups both Congolese and foreign origin continue to destabilize situation in the eastern part of the country causing humanitarian disasters. Due to governmental weakness, economic backwardness, chronical lack of finance resources, interethnic conflicts, all-round and widely spread corruption of the authorities, the Congolese government at the moment is not able to overcome scores of problems including the problem of security. Assistanceprovided to the DRC by itspartnerssuch as, first of all, the former metropolitan country Belgium, as well as the USA, Great Britain, the Europe Union and China works only in favourof these country-donors. They are attracted by rich Congolese natural resources which the DRC remaining one of the poorest countries in the world cannot turn to advantage to the full extent because of its economic backwardness. In exchange for so-calleddevelopment programmes, expensive strategic raw material (such as coltan, wolfram, casseterit, cooper, gold, niobium, and other) is being extracted and exported from the country, in addition, often on the inequivalent basis. This is taking place for the reason that numerous mines and open-cast mines are being controlled by different illegal armed groups and not by the central government. Therefore, it turns out that in the context of a military-political crisis, for so-called partners it is more beneficial to pursue their own interests. Furthermore, western ideologists arouse "separatism-oriented" theories similar to "balkanization", in other words, a breakdown of this giant country into several independent states. The Congolese are tremulous to this issue, they try to counter such approachs and defend the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, it is not an easy task. The impediment is unsettled relations with neighbouring countries - Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which for tens of years exploit illegally natural resources of the DRC and try to lay hold of frontier Congolese territories.


Author(s):  
Sudesh Agrawal ◽  
Virendar Singh Rawat

Introduction : Despite the lack of scientific evidence indicating any substantial maternal and perinatal benefits from increasing caesarean section rates, most of the studies are showing that higher rates could be linked to negative consequences in maternal and child health, still caesarean rates continues to increase worldwide, particularly in middle and high income countries, and have become a major and controversial public health concern. Therefore, we conducted this study to analyse the LSCS rate in the institute, to classify the indications of LSCS as per RTGCS and to find out strategy to decrease the prevalence of lower segment caesarean section. Material & Methods : This is a retrospective hospital based study at tertiary care centre. Data collection of one thousand pregnant females who delivered by caesarean section from the period of January 2018 onwards was assessed for the study. There are six parameters as per Robson’s classification to classify all pregnant females for caesarean section. Entire information was entered in Microsoft excel sheet and analysis were done to decrease caesarean section rate. Results : In the present study, a total of 1000 pregnant women delivered by caesarean section was taken from January 2018 onwards. The total number of deliveries during this study period was 2919 and the overall caesarean section rate was 34.25%. Most of the patients belonged to Robson’s group 1,2&5 which contributed to 65.6% to total. Conclusion :  The overall CSR in the study is 34.25% which is high as compared to international studies, contribution of repeat CS is high. It is important that efforts to reduce the overall CS rate should focus on reducing the primary CS rate. More analytical studies based on Robson’s 10-group classification system are needed locally, to evaluate the indications of CS within each group.  


1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Joanne Leslie ◽  
Suzanne Bibi Essama ◽  
Elizabeth Ciemins

This article reviews existing data concerning the causes and consequences of female malnutrition in sub-Saharan Africa. As in most parts of the world, the primary cause of female malnutrition is household food insecurity compounded by low household and individual incomes. Gender-specific factors that further undermine women's nutritional status are the severe physiological burden of frequent child-bearing and the continuous long hours of energy-intensive work. Negative consequences of malnutrition among females include high rates of mortality and morbidity, impaired learning, low birthweights, and reduced energy for discretionary activities. We question the conclusion of other studies that African women have developed special “adaptive mechanisms” to compensate for nutritional deprivation, and recommend that further research investigate the hidden individual and societal costs of malnutrition among women.


2014 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareike Schomerus ◽  
Lotje de Vries

This article compares two cases of securitization along South Sudan’s border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo. By comparing how a security concern – the presence of the Lord’s Resistance Army – was interpreted and responded to, the article shows that border security practices in two borderscapes are improvised, contradictory and contested, and serve to establish authority rather than actually securing the border. This is apparent on three levels: (a) through the multiplicity of security actors vying for authority; (b) in how they interpret security concerns; and (c) in terms of what practice follows. The article argues that by allowing authority at the border to be taken by actors that are not under direct control of the central government, the South Sudanese state is developing as one that controls parts of the country in absentia, either by granting discretionary powers to low-level government authorities at the border or through tactical neglect. Processes of securitization by both state and non-state actors in the borderland are largely disconnected from the South Sudanese central government, which does not claim authority over this border and thus seemingly does not consider the lack of security for its citizens, and the parallel authorities, as a threat to central stability.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Ruhanas Harun

The conflict in the Southern Region of the Philippines has been going on for decades with no viable solution to be seen. This is due to the clash of interests, identities and aspirations between both parties. The opposition of the Moro people towards the political domination of the central government has its roots in the colonial times. Their aspirations towards rights of self -determination goes against the interests of the Philippines Government in defending the nation’s sovereignty, security and territorial integrity. The Bangsamoro’s claim to political autonomy and socio-economic development and the removal of discrimination against them is still yet to be properly addressed by the central government, thus reducing their trust in the central government’s sincerity in achieving a peaceful solution to the conflict.  Agreements reached during the peace process were not properly implemented, thus adding pressure to both parties. Peace negotiations are also stunted due to the refusal of both parties to compromise on their stances. Should this conflict continue to drag on, both parties will face negative consequences, especially for the Bangsamoro. The way forward in achieving peace must ensure the survival of the Bangsamoro identity and culture, without being excluded from the Filipino national mould.Keywords: Bangsamoro, conflict of interests, identity, roots of conflict, Southern Region of the PhilippinesCite as: Harun, R. (2017). Konflik Selatan Filipina: Isu, cabaran dan penyelesaian [Conflict in the Southern Region of the Philippines: Issues, challenges, and solutions]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 66-78. AbstrakKonflik yang melanda selatan Filipina antara kerajaan pusat dengan wilayah selatan negara tersebut sejak berdekad lamanya masih gagal menemui sebarang titik penyelesaian disebabkan pertembungan kepentingan, identiti dan aspirasi yang berbeza kedua pihak. Penentangan orang-orang Moro terhadap dominasi kuasa politik kerajaan pusat berakar umbi sejak zaman kolonial lagi. Cita-cita Bangsamoro untuk mendapat hak menentukan masa depan sendiri sebagai sebuah komuniti bebas bertentangan dengan kepentingan dan hak kerajaan Filipina mempertahankan kedaulatan, keselamatan dan keutuhan wilayahnya. Dasar-dasar yang dilaksanakan oleh kerajaan untuk mengintegrasi Bangsamoro ke dalam acuan nasional Filipina mengancam kelangsungan identiti mereka. Tuntutan Bangsamoro untuk mendapatkan autonomi politik, pembangunan sosio-ekonomi serta penghapusan diskriminasi masih belum diberi layanan yang sewajarnya oleh kerajaan pusat. Ini secara tidak langsung menghakis kepercayaan Bangsamoro terhadap keikhlasan pihak kerajaan pusat mengenai proses damai dan kemampuan rundingan yang diadakan bagi mencapai penyelesaian secara aman. Segala persetujuan yang dicapai di sepanjang proses damai tidak dapat dilaksanakan dengan berkesan sekaligus menambah tekanan kepada kedua pihak. Rundingan damai juga menghadapi kebuntuan disebabkan keengganan berkompromi akan pendirian masing-masing. Hakikatnya jika konflik selatan Filipina ini berlanjutan, ia akan merugikan kedua pihak, terutamanya Bangsamoro. Halatuju penyelesaian perlu menjamin penerusan identiti dan budaya Bangsamoro sebagai satu golongan minoriti tanpa meminggirkan mereka dari acuan nasional Filipina.Kata Kunci: Bangsamoro, identiti, punca konflik, pertembungan kepentingan, Selatan Filipina


Refuge ◽  
1993 ◽  
pp. 12-17
Author(s):  
Gayle E. Smith

This paper will examine the existing constraints to addressing relief and repatriation needs in nongovernment-held areas and point to areas of possible change. Nongovernment-held areas are held by a force other than a central government army. In the case of Tigray, these areas were not only inaccessible to the army of the former central government of Ethiopia (GOE), but were also administered by an opposition force, theTigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF). Relative to other national liberation movements, the TPLF's administrative system was quite developed; in addition, the movement controlled a wide area encompassing most of rural Tigray and, by 1988, the whole of the region. Effective access was maintained from neighbouring Sudan, and the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) operated as an effective disaster management agency.


2014 ◽  
Vol 155 (17) ◽  
pp. 647-652
Author(s):  
Hajnalka Sz. Makó ◽  
Bernadette Péley

Based on statistical figures of the past 30 years, the number of induced abortions in Hungary is constantly decreasing. However, compared to the number of live births, even today approximately one third of pregnancies conceived eventuate in termination. Various international studies confirm the negative consequences of the intervention exerting influence on women’s mental health. The aim of this publication is to give a summary on the psychological aspects of the decision making process in the pre-abortion period, from the diagnosis of pregnancy to the surgical intervention. The authors present a detailed overview on the background for the reasons of the decision, the stages of the period from conception until termination, as well as factors related to difficulties in decision making, and possible psychological consequences. Orv. Hetil., 2014, 155(17), 647–652.


2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-191
Author(s):  
Louise Kretzschmar ◽  
Mary Ryan Ralphs

AbstractMuch has been written to critique the Catholic church's position on the ordination of women based on arguments from scripture and tradition. However, there has been little local research on how South African women experience the consequences of this exclusion from ministry. In this article Ralphs and Kretzschmar set out, from an ethical and feminist theological position, to show the effects of this exclusion both on women and on the church. Through a study of the literature and interviews with 60 Catholic women from the diocese of Johannesburg, they attempt to explain what lies behind the Catholic church's position on women, and to describe it's negative consequences. The authors conclude that whilst many women are aware of the negative effects of exclusion, they are unable to name the structural forces which reinforce this exclusion, and that theological and pedagogical processes are required to shape a different consciousness among women.


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