scholarly journals Statute of the Town and Island of Korčula 1214/1265 and issues of (dis) continuity of old and new constitutionalism

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-556
Author(s):  
Arsen Bačić
Keyword(s):  
Special Form ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Crossword Puzzle ◽  
Limited Government ◽  
Responsible Government ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Utility Services ◽  
The Town

In classic natural law the issue of constitution was related to the laws, institutions and practice of organising and directing states and the political system. According to this understanding, every political system of town-state had a constitution. The contemporary meaning of constitution nevertheless gained specific and valuable foundation: today the constitution means the establishment of a special form of political organisation. Contemporary constitutions talk of limited government. With a constitution, political power is constituted and limited at the same time. Some states are constitutional because they have a limited and responsible government and others are not. In the latter case, we are talking about states that have a constitution, but do not have constitutionalism. After civil revolutions, constitutionalism becomes the central mechanism of control of political power and ensuring freedom. This text opens up the question of whether the Statute of Korčule of the year 1214/1265, as a normative projection of municipal organs in the Town and Island of Korčula (assembly of all people, duke, grand council, small council, curia, utility services...), provided the base for researching the (dis)continuity of „ancient constitutionalism“ and classic rational, uniform and contractualistic forms of modern constitutionalism which is based on the constitution as the highest legal act and court control of constitutionality. In conclusion, the Statute of the Town and Island of Korčula, as a unique normative crossword puzzle of medieval institutions, special freedoms and multi-level jurisdictions, represented a real historical platform. From this platform all those bearers of power who implemented power could be controlled and balanced either within legal boundaries or they strived for absolutism and corruption.

Division de pouvoir et intégration social: de Montesquieu à la crise actuelle du parlementarisme

1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
André Vachet
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Social Division ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Vital Forces

Division of power and social integrationExplanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.

Romania thirty years later: from a totalitarian dictatorship to a deep state?

2021 ◽  
pp. 254-268
Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Morozov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
Deep State

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.

scholarly journals Power, Patronage, and the Candidate-nomination Process: Observations from Bangladesh

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
General Acceptance ◽  
Mayoral Election ◽  
Power And Influence

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.

scholarly journals Territory and population as elements of the political power in international relations

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-271
Author(s):  
Zlatko Isakovic
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
System Communication ◽  
Communication Ability

Parallel to the economic strength, military power, political system communication ability, ideology and morals, the significant elements of the political power are also the territory and population. Studying the influence of the territories and population on the political power of states the author points to the direction the transformation of these two phenomena will take place within the changed conditions of contemporary international relations.

scholarly journals Geografická reprezentativa poslanců zvolených do Poslanecké sněmovny českého parlamentu za první republiky (1918-1938) a po roce 1989

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 354-380
Author(s):  
Renáta Mikešová ◽  
Tomáš Kostelecký
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Spatial Distribution ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Management ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Changes Over Time ◽  
Election Laws ◽  
Over Time

Election laws regulate the number of deputies who are elected in individual electoral districts, and set them in relation to the population, respectively to the number of voters participating in elections in individual regions. Elected deputies could thus be regarded as political representatives of citizens living in electoral districts. However, under systems of proportional representation, current deputies represent the ideology of the party to which they belong rather than the region. Nevertheless, it makes sense to study the spatial distribution of the places of origin and residence of members of parliament and their changes over time, because it suggests much about the political system and the system of representative democracy in the country. The spatial distribution of places of residence of candidates and elected members indicates not only the territorial proportionality and geographic representativeness, but also the shifting centers of political power. The analysis clearly confirms the gradual decentralization and regionalization of political power in the country, which stands in contrast to the centralization of power in the economy, this latter trend apparent from the concentration of economic management and decision-making in the largest cities, especially in Prague.

scholarly journals GAGURITAN RUSAK BULELENG SEBUAH KAJIAN NILAI-NILAI

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-36
Author(s):  
Kertiasih Ni Nyoman
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Cultural Value ◽  
Value Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Educational Values ◽  
Indonesian Archipelago ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Colonial Government

Gaguritan Rusak Buleleng, Gedong Kirtya collection can provide an overview of heroic historical events in North Bali. The incident occurred in 1846, causing the kingdom of Buleleng fell into the hands of the Dutch invaders. At that time the situation showed that Dutch political power was expanding its influence in the Indonesian Archipelago. Bali began to be targeted by the colonial government in the mid-19th century. The values that can be extracted from the GRB story can be mentioned: the value of unity, togetherness, leadership, educational values, religious values, political / diplomacy values, and the value of the competition for political power between political forces. As part of the content analysis approach model, it can be mentioned, various contexts of the situation, cultural value systems influence in it. In that connection, it seems to influence the system of values of harmony, unity of the Balinese, the value of the political competition of the kings of Bali, the value of traditional Balinese traditions, and the colonial political system that is developing.

scholarly journals Bahasa Al Quran dalam Perspektif Politik Kekuasaan

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Muradi
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Historical Aspect ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Interesting Part ◽  
Relationship Of

<p>An interesting part of Quranic studies is sosio-culture of its Quran language.   It becomes notice when Arabic language was chosen as Koran language. The point of view of this study is the political power of Quraisy when Quraisy holding the power in Hijaz territory. The question is: What is the reason of Arabic language (Quraisy language) chosen as Koran language? Is there any relationship between Quraisy and political power Arabic language being chosen as Koran language?</p> <p>Seeing in the historical aspect, the northern Arabic language being survive because is supported by political aspect and arabization. Based on the interaction of Arabic language (Quraisy) standard language (<em>fusha</em>) was appearing. Quraisy political system, although not reflects absolute power that forced another ethnic group, there is a relationship of power factor and why Arabic language chosen as Quran language.</p>

scholarly journals The Fuzzy Set Method in the Studies on the Multilevel Political System of the European Union

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Janusz Ruszkowski
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Fuzzy Set ◽  
Political System ◽  
Quantitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
And Mathematics ◽  
The Eu

The political system of the European Union is unique and difficult to define. This presents significant problems to researchers attempting to clarify this phenomenon by means of conventional research methods. Thus, it seems necessary to start the search with other tools that will allow the exploration of the nature of this phenomenon. Such an unconventional instrument is the fuzzy set method which has been used in logics, geometry and mathematics and which accumulates both a qualitative and a quantitative approach. When applied in the studies on the multi-level political system of the EU, it reveals phenomena that could not be seen when using conventional methods. One of the most important effects of this method exists in the fuzzy levels of the EU political system situated among the traditional (crisp) levels (regional, national and supranational).

Independent parliamentarians

2017 ◽  
pp. 91-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liam Weeks
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Years Of Experience ◽  
The People ◽  
And Function ◽  
Role And Function ◽  
Transparency And Accountability

This chapter considers consider the experience of those who run on an independent platform. It comprises seven separate contributions, from independents who have been elected at various levels in Ireland, from local councils, to the Seanad, the Dáil and the European Parliament. Although this study is primarily on independents in the Dáil, it is nevertheless useful to consider all these levels as it demonstrates the role and function of independents across the Irish political system. The independent contributors provide an insider’s account of life as an outsider within the Irish political system. With their years of experience on the political frontline, they speak with clarity and insight on the failings of the system, and in particular the lack of transparency and accountability. They suggest a number of reforms that would allow both parliament and the people to wrest back true political power.

scholarly journals Political Crisis and Societal Governance:How Media Can be Societal Media?

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Toru TAKAHASHI
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Fiscal Deficits ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Systemic Trust ◽  
Collaborative Efforts

Political frustration of the people often comes along with protest movements on the streets. The street democracy becomes most powerful when the political system loses the people’s systemic trust. Therefore, we can see the street democracy as a symptom of the systemic political crisis. We have to be vigilant for political adventurism that exploits the people’s discontent. However, considering the chronic fiscal deficits of governments, we cannot rely only on governments. We have to expand our view beyond politics and governments. We are facing various problems at local, national and global level. It is necessary to develop societal governance that mobilizes and organizes multi-functional resources to cope with the multi-level challenges. As J.N. Rosenau formulates, governance is an encompassing phenomenon that embraces governmental and non-governmental mechanisms. This paper reformulates the comprehensiveness of societal governance as multi-functionality and multi-levelness. It means that societal governance is an ecosystem of collaborative efforts that mobilizes multi-functional resources to cope with public problems across local, national and global levels. Innovations in media (especially, in the Internet) can contribute to creating fertile conditions for the efforts by advocating issues and connecting actors and resources. Media can make another step to a next stage of the development as liaison media in societal governance. Now we are witnessing the next step of the media’s development towards “societal media”.Political frustration of the people often comes along with protest movements on the streets. The street democracy becomes most powerful when the political system loses the people’s systemic trust. Therefore, we can see the street democracy as a symptom of the systemic political crisis. We have to be vigilant for political adventurism that exploits the people’s discontent. However, considering the chronic fiscal deficits of governments, we cannot rely only on governments. We have to expand our view beyond politics and governments. We are facing various problems at local, national and global level. It is necessary to develop societal governance that mobilizes and organizes multi-functional resources to cope with the multi-level challenges. As J.N. Rosenau formulates, governance is an encompassing phenomenon that embraces governmental and non-governmental mechanisms. This paper reformulates the comprehensiveness of societal governance as multi-functionality and multi-levelness. It means that societal governance is an ecosystem of collaborative efforts that mobilizes multi-functional resources to cope with public problems across local, national and global levels. Innovations in media (especially, in the Internet) can contribute to creating fertile conditions for the efforts by advocating issues and connecting actors and resources. Media can make another step to a next stage of the development as liaison media in societal governance. Now we are witnessing the next step of the media’s development towards “societal media”.

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