scholarly journals Capitalizing on Crisis: Chicago Police Responses to Homicide Waves 1920-2020

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Vargas ◽  
Chris Williams ◽  
Philip O'Sullivan ◽  
Christina Cano

This article investigates Chicago city government policy responses to the four largest homicide waves in its history: 1920-1925, 1966-1970, 1987-1992, and 2016. Through a combination of spatial and historical methods, we discovered that homicide was more than a social problem, it was a tool for advancing a diverse set of policy agendas. Specifically, city policy responses were the outcome of struggles between government and non-government actors over the definition of homicide and its causes. The struggles produced a repetitive cycle of city responses that included efforts to 1) delegitimize Black social movements, 2) expand policing, 3) frame homicide as an individual rather than systemic problem, and 4) exclusively credit police for homicide decreases. These findings suggest that efforts to improve violence prevention policy in Chicago require not only a science of prevention and community flourishing, but also efforts to democratize how the city defines its social problems.

Author(s):  
Sam Mitrani

This chapter examines how the Chicago Police Department figured in the native-born Protestant elite's attempt to control urban life in the city during the 1870s. In the 1870s, it became increasingly clear that the promise of “free labor” would not be met. Native-born Protestant urban elites across the country felt as if the cities were slipping into the grasp of immigrant workers and unemployed vagrants. This chapter describes the efforts of Chicago's traditional native-born, Protestant urban elite to enforce stricter temperance laws, regulate economic life, especially construction, and gain tighter control over the municipal government itself. It begins with a discussion of the responses of Chicago's business elite and politicians, the city government, and the police to the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 as well as to the fear of crime that gripped Chicago in the summer of 1872. It then considers the Committee of Seventy's attempts to control the police and their divided stance over temperance and concludes with an assessment of the power struggle in the Chicago Police Department that would continue through 1873.


Author(s):  
Sam Mitrani

This chapter examines the conflicts that gave rise to the Chicago Police Department. Over the first half of the 1850s, elite Chicagoans confronted two interrelated problems of order that prompted them to create a police force: the need to protect their property and the property of visiting businessmen, and the need to enforce order more generally among a largely immigrant class of wage workers who were not bound by earlier forms of social control. It was in this context that Levi Boone's Law and Order Party won control of the city government and embarked on an anti-immigrant temperance policy. This chapter considers the creation of the Chicago Police Department on April 30, 1855 and describes the Lager Beer Riot as a founding moment for the department. It also discusses what the new police department did on a daily basis during its first six months, such as arresting a large number of working-class Irish and German immigrants for drinking.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Novita Putri Rudiany ◽  
Silvia Dian Anggraeni ◽  
Gita Meysharoh Nurhidayah ◽  
Muhamad Firmansyah

Summary Energy diplomacy is usually conducted by national governments. However, the case of sister city co-operation between the cities of Surabaya, Indonesia, and Kitakyushu, Japan, shows how substate actors can perform energy diplomacy by developing technology to create public spaces that apply energy efficiency and energy-saving principles. This article offers a new angle on energy diplomacy by elaborating on the role of the city government. To future-proof our perspective, we applied qualitative methods by gaining data from in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, then triangulated the result from the literature about energy diplomacy. The article argues that energy diplomacy has expanded in the sense that it is now carried out at municipal as well as national level and yet still adheres to states’ foreign policy agendas in the energy sector. These substate actors ultimately strengthen the principle of energy utilisation that has been regulated at the national level within the framework of bilateral co-operation with other substate actors.


Urban Studies ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (5) ◽  
pp. 1075-1091 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christof Brandtner ◽  
Markus A Höllerer ◽  
Renate E Meyer ◽  
Martin Kornberger

Over the past two decades, research has emphasised a shift from city government to urban governance. Such a shift brings about its very own challenges, namely governance gaps, uncertain configurations in governance and a limited capacity to act. In this paper, we argue that the concurrent rise of strategy documents in city administration addresses these challenges. Our central claim is that strategy documents can be understood as a distinct discursive device through which local governments enact aspired governance configurations. We illustrate our argument empirically using two prominent examples that, while showing similar features and characteristics, are anchored in different administrative traditions and institutional frameworks: the city administrations of Sydney, Australia, and Vienna, Austria. The contribution of the paper is to show how strategy documents enact governance configurations along four core dimensions: the setting in space and time, the definition of the public, the framing of the res publica and legitimacy issues. Moreover, our comparative analysis of Sydney and Vienna gives evidence of differences in governance configurations enacted through strategy documents.


Author(s):  
Sam Mitrani

This chapter examines how the Eight-hour strikes of 1886 and the Haymarket bombing transformed the Chicago Police Department into a much stronger institution. It begins with a discussion of the Haymarket affair and how it led to massive strikes for the eight-hour workday that began on May 1, 1886. It then considers how the Haymarket bombing changed what it meant to be a member of the Chicago Police Department as well as the relationship between the police, the press, and the city government. It shows that the Haymarket and its aftermath consolidated a positive image of the Chicago Police Department in the eyes of the respectable citizens of the city. This shift facilitated some institutional changes that favored police officers, such as the allocation of funds for a pension, improvements in police buildings, and expansion of the force. But most of all, only citizens willing to risk being identified with the anarchists would criticize the institution itself.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Diesselhorst

This article discusses the struggles of urban social movements for a de-neoliberalisation of housing policies in Poulantzian terms as a “condensation of the relationship of forces”. Drawing on an empirical analysis of the “Berliner Mietenvolksentscheid” (Berlin rent referendum), which was partially successful in forcing the city government of Berlin to adopt a more progressive housing policy, the article argues that urban social movements have the capacity to challenge neoliberal housing regimes. However, the specific materiality of the state apparatus and its strategic selectivity both limit the scope of intervention for social movements aiming at empowerment and non-hierarchical decision-making.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
Anna Puji Lestari ◽  
Yuliyanto Budi Setiawan

After changing its city branding several times, Semarang now has a new city branding, namely "Semarang Variety of Culture." However, the city branding reaped contra from academics and cultural figures because Semarang was considered not sufficient yet in terms of representing its cultural diversity. Responding to this, the Semarang City Government and the Semarang City Public Works Department created a public service advertisement on CCTV socialization for flood control in the city of Semarang with a transgender figure as the ad star. This research was qualitative research designed with Seymour Chatman's Narrative Analysis. The research found a commodification and objectification of transgender people who imitated the feminine style of women in the advertisement. In other words, the public service announcement of Semarang CCTV socialization lowered the femininity, which is synonymous with women.The public service advertisement also violated the moral codes adopted by the majority of the Indonesian people.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-128
Author(s):  
Jason Cohen ◽  
Judy Backhouse ◽  
Omar Ally

Young people are important to cities, bringing skills and energy and contributing to economic activity. New technologies have led to the idea of a smart city as a framework for city management. Smart cities are developed from the top-down through government programmes, but also from the bottom-up by residents as technologies facilitate participation in developing new forms of city services. Young people are uniquely positioned to contribute to bottom-up smart city projects. Few diagnostic tools exist to guide city authorities on how to prioritise city service provision. A starting point is to understand how the youth value city services. This study surveys young people in Braamfontein, Johannesburg, and conducts an importance-performance analysis to identify which city services are well regarded and where the city should focus efforts and resources. The results show that Smart city initiatives that would most increase the satisfaction of youths in Braamfontein  include wireless connectivity, tools to track public transport  and  information  on city events. These  results  identify  city services that are valued by young people, highlighting services that young people could participate in providing. The importance-performance analysis can assist the city to direct effort and scarce resources effectively.


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