scholarly journals Russia in the Digital World: International Competition and Leadership

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-85
Author(s):  
Andrei O. Bezrukov ◽  
Mikhail V. Mamonov ◽  
Maxim A. Suchkov ◽  
Andrei A. Sushentsov

Technology has become one of the most important spheres in the race for power in the 21st century. The two main technology ecosystems—the American and the Chinese—have clearly taken shape by the beginning of the third decade of this century. A dilemma for Russia in this regard is whether to join one of the existing ecosystems or develop one of its own. The paper critically examines the impact of contemporary trends in the digital domain on international relations and state policies, weighs up Russia’s competitive advantages and the challenges in this domain, and charts a strategy that Moscow should follow in the modern world of digital competition.

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 1043-1055
Author(s):  
Gaby Umbach

This article1 offers reflections on the use of data as evidence in 21st century policy-making. It discusses the concept of evidence-informed policy-making (EIPM) as well as the governance and knowledge effects of data as evidence. With this focus, it interlinks the analysis of statistics and politics. The paper first introduces the concept of EIPM and the impact of evidence use. Here it focusses on science and knowledge as resources in policy-making, on the institutionalisation of science advice and on the translation of information and knowledge into evidence. The second part of the article reflects on data as evidence. This part concentrates on abstract and concrete functions of data as governance tools in policy-making, on data as a robust form of evidence and on the effects of data on knowledge and governance. The third part highlights challenges for data as evidence in policy-making, among them, politicisation, transparency, and diversity as well as objectivity and contestation. Finally, the last part draws conclusions on the production and use of data as evidence in EIPM. Throughout the second part of the reflections, reference is made to Walter Radermacher’s 2019 matrix of actors and activities related to data, facts, and policy published in this journal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-125
Author(s):  
Anton Andreev ◽  
◽  
Daria Pravdiuk

The activities of the Third (Communist) International left a noticeable mark on the political history of Latin America. His ideological, organizational legacy remains a factor in shaping the theory and practice of contemporary leftist governments in the region. This article examines the impact of the legacy of the Comintern on international processes in Latin America, the development of integration projects, foreign policy projects of the left forces of the region. On the basis of archival documents, media materials, documents of parties and governments, the authors show which of the foreign policy guidelines of the Comintern are relevant for the region in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Iryna Habro ◽  
Mykhailo Fedorenko ◽  
Liudmyla Vovchuk ◽  
Tatiana Zholonko

The modern world community is concerned about the search for humane, non-forceful methods for solving hybrid conflicts that characterize the system of international relations of the 21st century. That is why the concept of preventive diplomacy has become popular and in demand. The conflict in the East of Ukraine has shown that this concept has some flaws in terms of its implementation in practice. Using the historical method, the key means of implementing preventive diplomacy are revealed. The article analyzes examples of the use of preventive diplomacy methods for solving conflicts in Europe by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The authors used the method of comparative analysis to compare examples of implementation of the principles of preventive diplomacy by different international players. Attention is drawn to the fact that excessive caution of the OSCE and unwillingness to call Russia a participant in the conflict and even more, so an aggressor country led to skepticism about the organization itself in Ukraine.


2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
A. Lukin

The article explores characteristics of the international relations bipolar system, changes occurred after its collapse and the future of post-bipolar world, focusing on the role of non-Western actors in it. On one hand, the bipolar system provided stability of international relations, but on the other – lead to competition between the U.S. and the USSR for the influence on the third countries, which sometimes resulted in armed conflicts in the third states. The collapse of the Soviet Union convinced the West both in the universality of its development model and the necessity to spread it all over the world. Now it is clear that the “democratism” ideology failed politically and culturally. The Western model has neither become a panacea for eliminating disparities between countries on different stages of development, nor the only example of successful and strong governance. New power centers, such as Russia, China, India and Brazil, have been successfully developing after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Their influence has been growing along with that of the West, and even though they did not necessarily directly confront it, they never shared all its values, yet never actively imposed their positions on the rest of the world. Regional powers (Nigeria, Venezuela, etc.) are also playing a more significant role in the emerging system, although sometimes they may join the alliances with more powerful countries to achieve their goals (as Vietnam does with the U.S. in its conflict with China). Russia’s reluctance to follow the West in its development created the first serious alternative to the existing unipolar world model and its values, so naturally and widely accepted by the Western actors. Whereas China with its rapid economic development is also posing a challenge to the ideology of "democratism" proving that the economic welfare is achievable outside the Western political model. As for Russia, its role in the modern world is still not defined. The Russian Federation wants to become an independent power unit and a center of the Eurasian integration. However, it is not clear whether it has resources of all kinds to implement this idea, – moreover, its economic dependence on the West is still too strong to insist on further confrontation. Instead, Russia (as well as its partners in the Eurasian Economic Union) could use Eurasian integration platforms to act as an "ambassador" of Asia in Europe and that of Europe in Asia. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by the grant of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs, National Research University Higher School of Economics in 2016.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (38) ◽  
pp. 111-125
Author(s):  
Petr Rožňák

The development of globalization at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century shows that unpredictable economic factors and new trends have a decisive influence on its course. Examples include continued sustained efforts to change the balance of power, the relativization of the Soviet Union’s share in the defeat of Hitler’s Nazi Great German Empire, the growing influence of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation, turbulent developments in Belarus, as well as the impact of COVID-19 pandemic. Based on these trends, a new global system of international economic, political, social and security relations is being created. The current, dynamically and rapidly changing world brings many positive, but also many negative facts, which are manifested in various areas of human life and society. This is evidenced by the existing and ubiquitous threats and risks that prove it necessary to put security issues first. The author reflects on the current development of the security environment and the degree of threat to the security of the nation states of the Visegrad Group on the threshold of the third decade of the 21st century. The aim is to answer the question: a) Is the security environment changing: a) for better, or b) for worse? The article points out the role of the main security actors and possible changes in the security environment.


2020 ◽  
pp. 204-213
Author(s):  
Elena Khakhalkina ◽  

The article analyzes the regional policy of the European Union and the problems of regionalization through the prism of modern theoretical provisions about the region and identifying its place in the existing system of international relations; shows the EU's practical steps to assert its role as an independent actor in the world arena. Attention is focused on the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the processes of globalization, on the key principles of which ‒ the free movement of people and goods ‒ were dealt a noticeable blow. The pandemic has intensified the processes of regionalization, the strengthening of which occurred as a natural response to the challenge. The author of the article analyzes the problems of regionalism through the prism of a collective monograph by well-known experts on regionalism and international relations E.B. Mikhailenko and V. I. Mikhailenko "European Union's Foreign Policy in the XXI century. European interregionalism", which became a continuation of the scientific research of the authors at the Ural Federal University. The article focuses on such vulnerabilities of the EU's regional policy as poorly formed EU foreign policy identity; dependence in the field of security on the United States; insufficient use of the tools of "hard power" to defend their interests and promote their values and ideals. The still insufficiently meaningful manifestations and consequences of the pandemic have given additional relevance to the monograph, clarifying the origins, difficulties, trends in the implementation of the EU's foreign regional policy, the achievement of interregionalism, its goals and limits


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-289
Author(s):  
KEISUKE IIDA

AbstractThis article summarizes the findings of this special issue focusing on five questions: (1) who studies Japanese politics and international relations in China, Japan and the Republic of Korea?; (2) what is being studied in each of these countries?; 3) how are Japanese politics studied in each of these countries?; (3) what determines the nature of the study of Japanese politics and international relations?; and 4) what is the impact of the study of Japanese politics in each of these three countries? The findings on the first questions are that most scholars in each of these countries are concentrated in their forties and fifties, but their educational backgrounds are considerably varied. On the second question, the topics of study are becoming more wide-ranging in recent years, although in China, government policy still puts a constraint on the range of topics studied. Regarding the third question, the approaches that are used are becoming more varied, especially in Japan and South Korea. Concerning the fourth question, domestic politics in each of these countries matter, and financial constraints are a problem in China. Finally, it seems that Korean scholars in this area may have greater impact on the government than in the other two countries.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Bartosz Bartniczak

Implementing the concept of sustainable development is one of the major challenges facing the modern world. One of the instruments creating sustainable development might be state aid. State aid has an impact not only on the economic sphere but also the environmental and social. State aid can have beneficial, negative or neutral impact on the implementation of sustainable development. The impact of state aid should be considered including the three spheres: economic, social and environmental. The main objective of this article is to try to identify tools and approaches that can be used to examine the impact of the measure state aid for sustainable development and to show which state aid is detrimental to sustainable development. The article presents such instruments and give its in-depth describe. The article consists of three main parts. The first part shows state aid in the concept of sustainable development. Another part shows which state aid can be regarded as harmful to sustainable development. The third part presents the tool with which we can identify harmful state aid.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-106
Author(s):  
A. O. Mamedova

Currently U.S.-UK cooperation in the UN does no attract as much attention as it deserves. Despite a conspicuous disparity in the countries’ military and economic might, they have maintained close ties for more than seventy years, which inevitably affects their position in the UN. The allies’ role in the 2003 invasion of Iraq cast suspicion on their activities in the organization. In the early 21st century, the UN itself was faced with a number of challenges, such as terrorism and regional conflicts; U.S. frustration with its effectiveness led to some reform efforts.Covering the years 2001 – 2017, the article consists of three parts. The first part focuses on quantitative and qualitative parameters determining the U.S.’s and the UK’s roles in the UN and compares their approaches to it. The second part discusses the activity of American and British permanent representatives to the UN, based on their memoirs and interviews. The third part analyses some examples of cooperation and competition in the UN. The list of examples is illustrative rather than comprehensive given the existence of the special relationship.The analysis of U.S.-UK cooperation in the UN reveals its ambiguous nature, but it does not serve to debunk the myth of the special relationship. The cooperation is largely pragmatic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
Mădălina Balan

The crisis in Ukraine in early 2014 marked a turning point in the history of international relations. A number of specialists in the field of political science have sought to explain the reasons for the occurrence of such events in the 21st century and what implications they may have for the global security system, especially in the regional one. This article analyzes the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis on the security of the Republic of Moldova.


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