scholarly journals Sosialisasi Program Simpan Pinjam Khusus Perempuan Untuk Peningkatan Perekonomian Masyarakat di Desa Marjandi Pematang

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-110
Author(s):  
Syafruddin Ritonga ◽  
Nina Salmaniah Siregar ◽  
Taufik Wal Hidayat ◽  
Armansyah Matondang

The purpose of this socialization is to provide knowledge to mothers about savings and loans, especially women who have a more role and benefit for the welfare and economy of the family. The method used is direct socialization to mothers, in the village of Marjandi Pematang Siantar. From the results of this dedication, that with the SPP mothers can play a role in increasing household income / income so that the economy can be further improved. SPP can help the capital of poor families if they want to open a business so that it is hoped that the community can live in prosperity. the people's economy can be more stable for those who really use it properly and correctly, namely as business capital. Members in a group co-exist and help each other, equally bear if one member does not pay then the other is responsible for the payment.

Zootaxa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3150 (1) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEOFF A. BOXSHALL ◽  
DAMIÀ JAUME

Three new species of copepod crustaceans are described from material collected from anchialine and brackish habitats inand around the village of Walengkabola on the coast of Muna Island, to the southeast of Sulawesi. A new species of cy-clopoid, Paracyclopina sacklerae n. sp., was described from material collected from the tidal inflow entering into the bot-tom of sinkholes a few metres inland from the shoreline. Detailed comparisons are made with Paracyclopina orientalis(Lindberg, 1941), n. comb., a closely related congener here transferred from its original genus Cyclopetta Sars, 1913. Theassignment of Paracyclopina Smirnov, 1935 to the family Cyclopettidae is followed here despite uncertainty over the va-lidity of some of the families created by the break up of the former Cyclopinidae. Two new species of Boholina Fosshagen& Iliffe, 1989 are described, based on material from the same sinkholes and from caves located up to 700m inland fromthe coast and exhibiting further reduced salinity down to 1.8 ppt. One species, B. parapurgata n. sp., is very closely relatedto B. purgata Fosshagen & Iliffe, 1989 from Bohol island in the Philippines, the other B. munaensis n. sp., is very closelyrelated to B. crassicephala Fosshagen & Iliffe, 1989 also from Bohol island, but a number of fine scale differences in the leg 5 of both sexes are recognised in each case. Keys to valid species of both genera are provided.


Author(s):  
Walter E.A. van Beek

There is not one African indigenous religion (AIR); rather, there are many, and they diverge widely. As a group, AIRs are quite different from the scriptural religions the world is more familiar with, since what is central to AIRs is neither belief nor faith, but ritual. Exemplifying an “imagistic” form of religiosity, these religions have no sacred books or writings and are learned by doing, by participation and experience, rather than by instruction and teaching. Belonging to specific local ethnic groups, they are deeply embedded in and informed by the various ecologies of foragers, pastoralists, and horticulturalists—as they are also by the social structures of these societies: they “dwell” in their cultures. These are religions of the living, not so much preparing for afterlife as geared toward meeting the challenges of everyday life, illness and misfortune, mourning and comforting—but also toward feasting, life, fertility, and togetherness, even in death. Quiet rituals of the family contrast with exuberant public celebrations when new adults re-enter the village after an arduous initiation; intricate ritual attention to the all-important crops may include tense rites to procure much needed rains. The range of rituals is wide and all-encompassing. In AIRs, the dead and the living are close, either as ancestors or as other representatives of the other world. Accompanied by spirits of all kinds, both good and bad, harmful and nurturing, existence is full of ambivalence. Various channels are open for communication with the invisible world, from prayer to trance, and from dreams to revelations, but throughout it is divination in its manifold forms that offers a window on the deeper layers of reality. Stories about the other world abound, and many myths and legends are never far removed from basic folktales. These stories do not so much explain the world as they entertainingly teach about the deep humanity that AIRs share and cherish.


Africa ◽  
1932 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. M. T. Kayamba

The family life of an African is primarily based on polygamy and patriarchy. Each family has its own village and the head of the family is elder of the village. As soon as a youth gets married and has children he thinks of establishing his own village in order to obtain sufficient land for cultivation for himself and his children. This is the start of a native village. He calls the village by some name which comes to his fancy. Probably after a few months few people join him at the newly established village; thus the village grows and the founder is called the elder of the village. The next thought of the African after he has acquired a little wealth is to increase the number of his wives to the number that his wealth can provide him. Very often he keeps them in different huts and at different villages which he calls Mtaa, meaning a quarter. He spends days and nights proportionately at each hut, usually three nights at each hut if they are in close proximity or seven days if they are far. He calls it Kugawa ngono, which means the distribution of conjugal rights. Each wife has her own farm which she cultivates with her children, her husband doing the heavy work. The husband has his own farm over which he has authority. Each wife harvests and keeps her own food in her granary in the hut. She has full control over her own food. She feeds and clothes her children from the proceeds of the sale of her crop; and feeds her husband with the same food when he stays with her. The crop from the husband's farm is stored in the senior wife's hut. The senior wife is the first wife in marriage. She keeps all the money of the husband and distributes food to the other wives from the husband's store when the other wives have run short of food.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rinda Turnip

Tortor Mangondas is an expression of sorrow that was created to meet the needsof indigenous meaningful honor the dead (and of the spirit / tondi man and tondithe first death) and is a communication between the real world and the other world(deceased) for application of this world can be given to the fathers and good luck /blessing of them can be given to people who live mainly heirs.This study aims tofind out what the meaning contained in Tortor Mangondas in Toba Batak society.The theoretical foundation of this research uses one theory, the theory of meaningand understanding tortor mangondas and death ceremonies.Location and time the research was conducted in Samosir and time for twomonths, the sample population figures there are some dancers and artists as wellas traditional leaders. The author conducted field observations, with videocapture, documentation, and conduct interviews with sources, as well as completethe data through research at the Village Siopat bill SamosirThe results based on the data that has been collected can be seen that TortorMangondas never appears solely as a form of dance in any society. But themotion-motion can still be explained the meaning of each movement performed.Tortor Mangondas created because someone who has died Saur matua not have achance to talk to the family to deliver the parting words and all expressions heartscontent. The social value as a society Batak Toba Mate Saur Matua wherebyTortor Mangondashasuhutan held with the objective of respect for parents and atthe same time submit a request to Mulajadi Nabolon prayer.


2019 ◽  
pp. 271-288
Author(s):  
Raquel Tovar Pulido

This article discusses the distribution of paternal property within rural communi-ties in the interior of the Iberian Peninsula, through an analysis of familial inher-itance of a widow from Extremadura. As a source for the study, the author draws on the Cadastre Ledger of the Marquis of Ensenada (1761), kept in the General Archive of Simancas (AGS), capturing changes in the family estate of a country widow (living in the village of Alcuéscar) in the mid-eighteenth century resulting from a transfer of property. Using the method of quantitative analysis developed by the Annales School, the author examines the issue from several standpoints; on the one hand, this enables insights into the increases and reductions in the volume of real estate (urban and rural) and the real estate assets of such women through pur-chases and sales. On the other, the author is also able to analyze and outline the distribution ofa widow’s property during her life and after her death.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 72
Author(s):  
AKHMAD YAMANI ◽  
NOVIRA KUSRINI ◽  
KOMARIYATI KOMARIYATI

The method used in this research is quantitative research besifat. The research is descriptive quantitative research. Kuantiitatif descriptive study is essentially a research method or approach a case study (case study). This study focuses intensively on the object that is the effect of the existence of PT. Ketapang Forest Industry tehadap Household Income in Rural Communities Kedondong. The purpose of this study was to (a). Knowing the influence of the existence of PT. Ketapang Forest Industry on Household Income Communities in the District Kendawangan Ketapang. (B). Knowing how much influence the presence of PT. Ketapang Forest Industry on Household Income Communities in the District Kendawangan Ketapang. RESULTS: (1) .Hutan Industrial Plant PT. Ketapang Forest Industries give effect to the increase in revenue. Average Household Income Communities bigger than the Rural Household Income Kendawangan Right. That is evidenced by the average income of the respondents in the two areas of research that Kedondong village and the village of Kanan Kendawangan include major revenue, and revenue side of the family.


1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 271-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matina Weinstein

The study lasted two months during the summer of 1972 (19th July–14th September) and was approached by means of three techniques:1. participant observation;2. observation;3. interviews.The first consists in the researcher entering the household, establishing contact with the family, and then studying the everyday life by direct observation and participation in the activities. This technique allows freer access to the household than would normally be possible utilizing other techniques, and thus facilitates the collection of detailed data. This technique was applied to one household (referred to as the “study household”) in the village. Although data were collected on many aspects of daily life, special emphasis was placed on obtaining information about those activities which it was felt would have some relevance to archaeological problems in general.The second approach involves general observations of the village women at work, and in particular, observations of five other village households with which other members of the project co-operated.The third approach involved questioning the “study household” and the other five on general topics, such as the length of time taken to perform certain activities.


1998 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 281-296
Author(s):  
Q. Bone ◽  
N. R. Merrett

Norman Bertram Marshall came from a family that had lived for generations in the small village of Great Shelford, near Cambridge, and was born there in a house built by his father (a builder, as his grandfather had been). Freddy (as he was universally known in later life) was the eldest of three boys and one girl. One of his brothers became an entomologist, the other an architect. The family was not well off, particularly after his father had left for the trenches in France with the Cambridgeshire Regiment before Freddy was born. To supplement his mother's income, Freddy worked in the fields after school and in the holidays, leading horses. He entered the church school in the village in 1920, but he was more interested in trying to catch dace and roach than in his schooling and was evidently rather a trial to his teachers. When his Sunday school teacher, Percy Reed, said T command the Devil to leave this place Freddy felt this was aimed at him and got up and left.


JEJAK ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-137
Author(s):  
Sunarto Sunarto ◽  
Avi Budi Setiawan

The objectives of this study are; (1) to identify the probability of paid work options, (2) to analyze variables affecting the income of the farmers, and (3) to analyze and measure variables that affect the farmers dependence over forest resources. This result indicates that the physical capacity variables affecting the decision for working in the forest. The other influencing reasons in the decision making process to work in the forest is the age of the head of the family, working time which is spent in the forest, the width of the areas, and values of the assets. Generally, the dependence of the farmers over the forest is spatially  influenced by the income from non-forest work, the land-owned width, household’s head education, number of dependents, and access to the forest, and access to the forest. However, the variable of asset values do not essentially play important role. A new finding is the occurence of the income inequality. It is driven by the inequality of the width of the land as a result of sale and lease of the right to the land in the forest, the conflicts happens through the years, and the disobedience of the farmers over the working period.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1A) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Jilly B.C. Sinadia ◽  
Welson M. Wangke ◽  
Noortje M. Benu

Problems in research is needs economy of a family the average at the Tumumpa II not enough because the head of the household income is relatively low, so as to meet the needs of a family housewieves at the Tumumpa II trying to provided for by working as woman. Research aims to understand how much contribution given by women who work as a fish. Research carried out in October until December 2016. The data of this research were primary and secondary data. The primary data was obtained through interviews directly to 46 respondents using kuisoner and secondary data obtained from office fisheries and marine and the village office Tumumpa II. The sample technique is purposive sampling the techniques with based on criteria respondents were women who own husband or and married wit responsibility for in the family. Data generated presented in the form of table and described the contribution given by workers women. To know the contribution given by workers women obtained from the percentage of income husband and wife and the son (who have worked). The result showed that woman sho worked as labarers carrying fish contributed for 44,90%. This means that the contribution of income of family income at the Tumumpa II big enough, what is mean by big enough is on the income female by working as laborers have been very helpful husband by meet and sufficient need in housholds every day.


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