Naming the West

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerdien Jonker

This article discusses the relationship between Europe and ancient Greece as narrated (or ignored) in a range of European history textbooks. It unravels the threads the narrative has followed since the eighteenth century, investigating the choices made in construing the narrative taught today. Which meanings were inherent in the terms “east” and “west” before they acquired the ideological coloring associating “east” with “barbarians” and “west” with the civilized world and “Europe”? The article opens up a new perspective on a complex past that was lost from view when perceptions of the ancient Greeks as guarantors of European values became entwined with the invention of the nation state.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Karli Shimizu

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.


1955 ◽  
Vol 20 (4Part1) ◽  
pp. 317-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernst Antevs

Geologic-Climatic dating of archaeological finds in the arid and semiarid western United States is based on geology, on the relationship between moisture, vegetation, and geological processes, and on climatic history. The procedure of dating includes 4 main steps, namely, (1) study of beds and geological features, (2) climatic interpretation of beds and features, (3) assignment of the bed with the human record to a particular regional climatic age or phase, and (4) correlation of the regional relative chronology with a dated climatic history. The geological study of the site includes texture, structure, and appearance of the beds or terrace deposits, their modes and conditions of formation, their sequence, fossils, and artifacts, the soil zones, caliche incrustations, and erosions. The climatic interpretation of the beds and features is made in conformity with the delicate regional relationship between climatic conditions and changes and geological processes and deposits.


Slavic Review ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 660-675 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Hitchins

In the second half of the eighteenth century the leavening effects of the Enlightenment began to be felt among the Rumanians of Transylvania. The Enlightenment in Transylvania—and in Eastern Europe generally —was a curious blend of natural law, rationalism, and optimism, drawn from the West, and nationalism, a response to local conditions. It is no coincidence that the first tangible signs of national awakening among the Rumanians manifested themselves at this time. In the thought of the Enlightenment they discovered new justification for their claims to equality with their Magyar, Saxon, and Szekler neighbors. For example, they applied the notion of “natural” civil equality between individuals to the relationship between whole peoples, and they accepted wholeheartedly the myth of the social contract as the foundation of society and as the guarantee of the rights of all those who composed it.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Bullion

The effects of the intense personal and political relationship between the young George III and his “dearest friend,” the earl of Bute, are well known to scholars of eighteenth-century Britain. The prince's affection and respect raised Bute, an obscure though well-connected Scottish nobleman, to the highest offices of state and to the absolute pinnacle of power. The earl's instruction and advice governed George's reactions to men and measures from 1755 until 1763. Even after Bute's influence waned following his resignation as First Lord of the Treasury, the lingering suspicions at Whitehall and Westminster that the king still listened to him in preference to others complicated relations between George III, his ministers, and Parliament.This article examines the origins of the friendship between the king and the earl, and the features of it that strengthened and preserved their attachment during the 1750s. These are questions that have not engaged the attention of many students of the period. The long shadow the relationship cast over politics during the 1760s has intrigued far more historians than its beginnings. They have been content to leave efforts to understand that subject to Sir Lewis Namier, who was inclined toward making psychological judgments of eighteenth-century politicians, and John Brooke, who was compelled to do so by the demands of writing a biography of George III. Both of these men asserted that the personal and affectionate aspects of the connection between the prince and Bute far outweighed the political and ideological during its early years. Their arguments have evidently convinced historians of politics to pass over what made Bute “my dearest friend” and press on to matters they assumed to be more relevant to their interests. The concern of this essay is to demonstrate that this assumption is incorrect. It will show that political and ideological considerations were in fact utterly crucial to this friendship at its inception and throughout its development during the 1750s, with consequences which profoundly affected the political history of the first decade of George III's reign. A mistaken reliance on works by Namier and Brooke has prevented scholars from perceiving these realities. Thus it is necessary to begin by pointing out the serious flaws in their interpretations.


1997 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 243-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan W. MacKie

The evolution of the single-storeyed mortared stone cottage in the western highlands of Scotland seems to mirror that of the upper strata of late seventeenth and eighteenth century clan society in the region, and in particular to reflect a little of the disintegration of that society after the two failed Stuart uprisings and its consequent gradual integration with the lowland economy. An analysis of the architectural history of the Ferry House (let to the ferryman as a combined inn and home for his family) at Port Appin provides a foundation for the survey. The earliest part of the building, probably thatched, may well date from the 1740s but already it had lintelled hearths with flues in each gable wall - a lowland urban feature. A major extension with a slate roof was built in about 1770 and the earlier part was probably also slated at this time and subdivided inside to provide rooms for wealthier guests. Thereafter only relatively minor internal improvements were made, in the newer half, until the early 1950s when piped water was introduced and a separate bathroom and kitchen built. The cottages were sold to incomers not long after.A study of other ferries in the area confirms that mortared cottages almost identical to those in Port Appin, and in identical situations, are still to be found at two of these. The one on the south side of the abandoned Rugarve ferry over Loch Creran can also be dated to between about 1750 and 1770 from historical evidence. Also at Rugarve, on the north side, are the remains of a more primitive thatched drystone cottage, probably an early ferry house, which is smaller than the others and lacks hearths with chimneys.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-38
Author(s):  
F.X. Susilo ◽  
Dewi Rosmawati ◽  
Nur Yasin

Ants Alter Insecticide Efficacy on Aphids in the Yard-Long Bean Agroecosystem? This study was aimed to detect the relationship between Aphis sp. and ants and to show whether ants could alter insecticide efficacy on Aphis sp. A survey was conducted in  the yard-long bean agroecosystems that have been frequently attacked by aphids and for years treated with imidacloprid insecticide (in Mulyosari Village, intensive sample) versus those barely treated in Ganjar Agung Village (non-intensive sample), both in the West Metro municipal area, Lampung. Two sampling occasions were made (in March and November 2005) where 35 plant parts (i.e. 35 flowers and 35 pods) per sample were randomly observed to record the number of Aphis sp. and ants. The efficacy of the insecticide treatment was determined by comparing the mean number of aphids or ants from intensive versus non intensive samples using a t-test at the 0.05 level. The relationships between ant and aphid numbers were determined by calculating their coefficients of correlation and testing them using a t-test at the 0.01 or 0.05 level. The study showed that the long-term application of the insecticide imidacloprid in the yard-long bean agroecosystem 1) might strengthen the relationship between Aphis sp. and ants (especially Solenopsis sp., Camponotus sp. and Paratopula sp.) and 2) was not effective to suppress  Aphis sp. number. Stronger Aphis sp. — ant symbiotic relationship might alter the insecticide efficacy on Aphis sp. in the agroecosystem.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-233
Author(s):  
Waqar I. Ahmad

In addressing the situation of Muslim communities in Britain, it isapparent that one of the major frameworks for understanding their situationhas been the notion of "Citizenship," for citizenship is a means ofidentifying critical aspects of the relationship between the individual andthe state. Following Bottomore (1992), we may make a useful distinctionbetween "formal" and "substantive" citizenship: the former being Simplydefined as "membemhip in a nation state" and the latter as "an array ofcivil, political, and especially social rights, involving also some kind ofparticipation in the business of government'' (ibid.).There are a number of salient points that should be made in relationto examining the implications of this distinction. First, we may note thatthe legal definition of citizenship is always informed by the cultural andethnic agendas historically rooted in the foundation myths of each nationstate.Thus in France, for example, just as the revolutionary iconographyof the Tricolor, Marianne, and Liberty, Equality, and Fratemity continueto serve contemporary national sentiments (Hobsbawm 1983), so todayFrench legal framing of formal citizenship is infused with its revolutionaryroots:La tradition centraliste francaise interdit la reconnaissance dansl'espace public des 'communautes', au sens oii elles existent auWtats-Unis. (Schnapper 1990).Consequently, in France neither ethnicity nor religion are formally relevantin determining access to citizenship ...


1989 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Richardson

Using new evidence on the British, French and North American slave-carrying trades, this article seeks to revise Lovejoy's recently published estimates of the levels of slave exports from West and West-Central Africa in the eighteenth century. The figures suggest that Lovejoy's estimate of the total volume of slave exports from the west coast of Africa to America between 1700 and 1810 was probably reasonably accurate, being only 8 per cent lower than the total indicated here. However, the new data reveal temporal and coastal distributions of slave exports that differ substantially from those proposed by Lovejoy. In particular, they suggest that previous work significantly understated levels of slave exports between 1713 and 1740, and again in the 1760s and 1770s. Contrary to earlier findings, in fact, it appears that slave exports from the west coast of Africa to America in the decade prior to the War of American Independence were very similar to levels attained after 1783. Furthermore, in terms of coastal distributions, it seems that the Bight of Biafra and West-Central Africa, particularly the Loango coast, contributed much more substantially to the slave traffic to America during the early decades of the century than was previously assumed. These revisions of Lovejoy's figures have important implications for movements in slave prices in Africa and for assessing the demographic effects of the trade on the slave-supplying regions. In addition, they help to improve our understanding of the relationship between the slave trade and changes in sugar and other commodity production in America during the eighteenth century.


Author(s):  
Engin Sustam

Western modernity with its colonial application has created an identity trauma and patriarchal domination of the memory of colonized and oppressed peoples. Critiques from colonized territories encourage us to reread the colonial epistemes of modernity, whether or not centered on the West. The Kurdish political movement thus defines a new interpretation of modernity based on the critique of colonialism and global capitalism: “democratic modernity.” This chapter problematizes the relations between modernity, the nation state, the destruction of ecology, social confinement, the relationship of the forces of these relations, but above all the modalities by which it becomes possible to act on them to break the “stalemate” of the modernity of thought in the twenty-first century.


2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN ZÜCKERT

AbstractFounded in 1918, the Czechoslovak state faced a series of problems in the years after its foundation. Apart from the question of the relationship between the ideal of a nation-state and the reality of its multi-ethnic structure, as well as the question of territorial security, the successive Czechoslovak governments faced the challenge of pacifying an uprooted post-war society. During this phase of transition, ideals of nationhood and peace as well as concepts of political power were adapted to pragmatic government policies. Despite rifts between the Czech- and the German-speaking parts of the population, combined with the dangers of a radicalised strike movement and the difficult integration of members of the Czechoslovak Legion into the new polity, attempts at pacification were much more successful in the west of the country than in Slovakia and in Carpathia, since the latter two regions lacked the structural continuities of laws and institutions.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document