Fighting terrorism in the Horn of Africa: the role of ordinary Kenyans in Kenya’s military intervention in Somalia and the fight against al-Shabaab

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-49
Author(s):  
Joseph Makanda
2019 ◽  
Vol 221 ◽  
pp. 210-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Temesgen Alemayehu Abera ◽  
Janne Heiskanen ◽  
Petri Pellikka ◽  
Miina Rautiainen ◽  
Eduardo Eiji Maeda

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
pp. 170021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan L. Smith ◽  
Brice P. Noonan ◽  
Timothy J. Colston

Ethiopia is a world biodiversity hotspot and harbours levels of biotic endemism unmatched in the Horn of Africa, largely due to topographic—and thus habitat—complexity, which results from a very active geological and climatic history. Among Ethiopian vertebrate fauna, amphibians harbour the highest levels of endemism, making amphibians a compelling system for the exploration of the impacts of Ethiopia's complex abiotic history on biotic diversification. Grass frogs of the genus Ptychadena are notably diverse in Ethiopia, where they have undergone an evolutionary radiation. We used molecular data and expanded taxon sampling to test for cryptic diversity and to explore diversification patterns in both the highland radiation and two widespread lowland Ptychadena . Species delimitation results support the presence of nine highland species and four lowland species in our dataset, and divergence dating suggests that both geologic events and climatic fluctuations played a complex and confounded role in the diversification of Ptychadena in Ethiopia. We rectify the taxonomy of the endemic P. neumanni species complex, elevating one formally synonymized name and describing three novel taxa. Finally, we describe two novel lowland Ptychadena species that occur in Ethiopia and may be more broadly distributed.


Author(s):  
MILAN KOLJANIN ◽  
DRAGICA KOLJANIN

There are various doubts and ambiguities regarding the dispatch of the memorandum by the Government of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) to the Western Allies asking for military intervention in early May 1945, giving rise to different interpretations in historiography. These varying interpretations are related to the circumstances of the dispatch of the memorandum, its text, the actions of prominent representatives of the Ustasha government, relations between the new Yugoslav authorities and Western allies, especially the British and the role of Archbishop Stepinac and the Holy See in the ISC. In order to understand the memorandum, it is necessary to consider the most important political and military circumstances at the end of World War II in Yugoslavia, especially the politics of the new Yugoslavia and the Western powers, primarily the British. The representatives of the Holy See in the ISC and the Archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, played an important role in efforts to preserve the Ustasha state. This paper was written based on unpublished and published archival sources and relevant historiographical literature.


Rough Waters ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 77-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Antonucci

This chapter further explores the trade relationship between the United States and Italy during the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars by examining the role of American consuls in the complex web of trade relationships between them. It investigates American consular records in attempt to determine how central their role was, and studies the way this role adapted over time. It provides case studies of the consulates of Livorno, Naples, and Sicily by analysing consul activity such as requests for military intervention against French authorities; negotiation tactics used to broker peace with monarchs and authority figures; connections made with local merchants; and the promotion of commerce. It concludes that despite the complexity of the role and the frequent changes to regime and personnel, American consuls established and developed political, social, and economic networks between America and Italy that benefitted American trade tremendously.


2019 ◽  
pp. 235-268
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

The concluding chapter summarizes the role of the Egyptian military, the business elite, the United States, and the opposition during each of the waves of revolution and counterrevolution. If we expand our conceptual vocabulary to include “coups from below,” this would allow scholars to properly conceptualize the unique confluence of military intervention and mass mobilization without resorting to normative terms like “democratic coup d’état.” Furthermore, it could allow US policymakers to suspend military aid in the future should there be similar events. By comparing the period from 1952 to 1956 that experienced a revolution from above with a coup from below between 2011 and 2018, it becomes clear that it may in fact be Egypt’s own revolutionary legacy that is the biggest impediment to democratization.


Author(s):  
Christopher Clapham

The peculiar politics of the Horn of Africa derives from the region’s exceptional pattern of state formation. At its center, Ethiopia was Africa’s sole indigenous state to remain independent through the period of colonial conquest, and also imposed its rule on areas not historically subject to it. The Somalis, most numerous of the pastoralist peoples, were unique in rejecting the colonial partition, which divided them between British and Italian Somalilands, French Djibouti, Kenya, and Ethiopia, while formerly Italian Eritrea, incorporated into Ethiopia in the post-World War II settlement, retained a sense of separate identity that fueled a long struggle for independence. These differences, coupled with the 1974 revolution in Ethiopia, led to wars that culminated in 1991 in the independence of Eritrea, the collapse of the Somali state, and the creation in Ethiopia of a federal system based on ethnicity. Developments since that time provide a distinctive slant on the legacies of colonial rule, the impact of guerrilla warfare, the role of religion in a region divided between Christianity and Islam, the management of ethnicity, and external intervention geared to largely futile attempts at state reconstruction. The Horn continues to follow trajectories of its own, at variance from the rest of Africa.


Author(s):  
Samuel Rubenson

The Christian monastic tradition has its origins in the Middle East. It has been and remains a constitutive institution in the Oriental Orthodox Churches, which are the Armenian, Coptic, Ethiopian, and Syrian Orthodox Churches. In Armenia, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Syriac-speaking Christian traditions, the monasteries have been the most important educational institutions in which language and literature have been transmitted. A strong emphasis on charismatic authority in Oriental monasticism, as well as a lack of political support for the hierarchy in the Coptic and Syrian traditions, has strengthened the role of the monasteries. The monasteries had a major importance for the spread of Christianity in central Asia, south India, and the Horn of Africa in the medieval period. A remarkable revival of Coptic monasticism beginning in the mid-twentieth century is of importance for all the churches.


Author(s):  
John R. Campbell

In sharp contrast to the sense of a “migrant crisis” which prevails in Europe, nation states in the Horn of Africa understand migration, including state-induced population displacement, as unexceptional. The chapter addresses this apparent paradox by contrasting European policy discourse on migration with the long-term political and structural processes in northeastern Africa that cause population displacement and migration. The chapter then examines the migration policies of governments in the Horn and concludes by arguing that the European Union misrepresents and misunderstands the factors responsible for large-scale migration and the role of states in exploiting migrants. For these reasons it is highly unlikely that the EU-Horn of Africa Action Plan/Khartoum process will bring about better border management policies and practices.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Sabah Mohammed Saleh

The democratic transition through the revolutionary context is considered to be the only way in the Arab world, as if there is no room for a process of democratic transition without solution or military intervention (internal or external), revolutions, coups or protest movements. Has become the focus of the problem of internal democratization, which has led to the absorption of the idea of external interventions and regional influences, mainly because of the internal content of Arab political systems.


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