scholarly journals Epistemic democracy and political legitimacy

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sheng Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The State ◽  
Epistemic Value ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Epistemic Democracy ◽  
Condorcet’S Jury Theorem ◽  
Jury Theorem ◽  
The Common ◽  
Egalitarian Principle

My dissertation aims to answer two questions: (1) Is democracy epistemically valuable? (2) Is the epistemic value of democracy, if it has any, necessary for justifying its legitimacy? I argue that democracy in certain form can be epistemically valuable. However, I also argue that the epistemic value of democracy is not necessary for justifying its legitimacy. To defend the epistemic value of democracy, I propose a postdeliberation version of Condorcet's jury theorem. I argue that this version of the jury theorem can avoid the common challenges against the classic version. To reject the necessity of epistemic value for democratic legitimacy, I argue that, given that the epistemic value of democracy is subject to disagreement, it cannot be used to justify legitimacy. In addition, I provide a purely proceduralist argument for democratic legitimacy, which appeals to the egalitarian principle that every citizens ought to be equally respected by the state. This argument, if succeeds, shows that the epistemic value of democracy is not necessary for justifying democratic legitimacy.

The Potential of Community Development

2019 ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
Marilyn Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Community Development ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Common ◽  
Mediating Factor ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Distinct Approach ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Common World

Community development offers a distinct approach to respond to the problem of diminishing free spaces where citizens can exchange views and learn about democracy and citizenship. It involves citizens as co-creators of the common world rather than as consumers. It has been supported by governments in different countries as a way of defusing tensions within communities, addressing the crisis of political legitimacy, encouraging citizen responsibility, as well as co-producing services with the state. This chapter tracks the ways in which community development has played these different roles over time and the implications for the relationship between state and citizen. It reviews its changing relationship with the state, and the critiques generated by different approaches and programmes. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges it faces in seeking to deepen democracy and foster creative citizenship, in the face of recurring attempts to shrink the state and leave the market as the principal mediating factor in society.

scholarly journals Condorcet’s jury theorem: General will and epistemic democracy

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 147-170
Author(s):  
Miljan Vasic
Keyword(s):  
Real Life ◽  
Historical Source ◽  
General Will ◽  
Epistemic Democracy ◽  
Condorcet’S Jury Theorem ◽  
Life Conditions ◽  
Jury Theorem ◽  
Epistemic Theory ◽  
Theory Of Democracy

My aim in this paper is to explain what Condorcet?s jury theorem is, and to examine its central assumptions, its significance to the epistemic theory of democracy and its connection with Rousseau?s theory of general will. In the first part of the paper I will analyze an epistemic theory of democracy and explain how its connection with Condorcet?s jury theorem is twofold: the theorem is at the same time a contributing historical source, and the model used by the authors to this day. In the second part I will specify the purposes of the theorem itself, and examine its underlying assumptions. Third part will be about an interpretation of Rousseau?s theory, which is given by Grofman and Feld relying on Condorcet?s jury theorem, and about criticisms of such interpretation. In the fourth, and last, part I will focus on one particular assumption of Condorcet?s theorem, which proves to be especially problematic if we would like to apply the theorem under real-life conditions; namely, the assumption that voters choose between two options only.

Independence Revisited

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Goodin ◽  
Kai Spiekermann
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
The State ◽  
Statistical Independence ◽  
Decision Situation ◽  
Independence Assumption ◽  
Condorcet Jury Theorem ◽  
Condorcet’S Jury Theorem ◽  
Common Causes ◽  
The World ◽  
Jury Theorem

The Independence Assumption is the most misunderstood premise of the Condorcet Jury Theorem. This chapter shows, first, that absence of direct voter interaction is neither necessary nor sufficient for Independence. Second, we explain that the statistical independence required is conditional: in Condorcet’s jury theorem, conditional on the state of the world; in other jury theorems, conditional on the evidence, on common causes, or on the whole decision situation. This insight leads, third, to the ‘Best Responder Corollary’, a jury theorem that is better suited to dealing with the inevitable interdependence of votes caused by common causes. In the final section, we discuss epistemic implications.

La politique industrielle dans les économies capitalistes avancées

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Blais ◽  
Philippe Faucher
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Policy ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
The State ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Industrial Growth ◽  
Common Thread ◽  
The Common ◽  
Post War

This article analyzes the principal features of industrial policy in the post-war advanced capitalist economies. Industrial policy is defined as a series of discriminatory measures developed by the state to promote industrial growth. Four main directions are outlined: increased financial aid to replace tariff protection; preference accorded to the more concentrated industries, particularly those related to, or in association with, national defense; new interest in the development of peripheral regions; and priority accorded to large corporations.A number of explanations are proposed for each of these main policies. The common thread running through them is the process of internationalization of production and trade liberalization. These lead each national economy to redefine its role in the global system. The analysis also underlines the ambivalent position of the state vis-à-vis a free market. Capitalist states rely upon the market to assure economic growth. The growth, nevertheless, is accompanied by regional and sectoral disequilibria which can reduce the political legitimacy of the state. This is why the state seeks to regulate growth, with a minimum of social conflict. State intervention is not designed solely to promote the interests of a class of large capitalists, but corresponds at the same time to the logic of capitalist accumulation and the requirements of political legitimacy.

DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY AND COERCIVELY ENFORCED BORDERS

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Michael Rabinder James
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Individual Autonomy ◽  
Border Enforcement ◽  
Plausible Account ◽  
State Coercion ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Do So

Arash Abizadeh argues that all coercive enforcement of borders is democratically illegitimate, since foreigners do not participate in the creation of border laws. It is irrelevant whether the border laws are substantively just or unjust, whether the state enforcing them is affluent or poor, and whether the individual being coerced autonomously chooses to cross the border or is forced by desperate circumstances to do so. His argument involves (1) a foundational commitment to individual autonomy; (2) a normative premise that coercion requires democratic legitimation; (3) and an empirical premise that border enforcement laws subject all foreigners to state coercion. In this essay, I contest each of these components. I challenge the empirical premise through examples illustrating the empirical limits to state coercion over foreigners. I contest the normative premise by showing that state coercion requires democratic legitimation only for those involuntarily and indefinitely subject to it. Finally, I challenge the commitment to individual autonomy as foundational to political legitimacy by distinguishing political legitimacy from political authority. I conclude by demonstrating how my critique renders a more plausible account of the normative limits of border coercion, one that coheres more readily with stances advanced by Javier Hidalgo and Abizadeh himself.

Governance and Democracy in Jammu and Kashmir: Measuring Public Trust in Formal Institutions

2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Aijaz Ashraf Wani ◽  
Muzamil Yaqoob
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Data ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Public Trust ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Trust ◽  
Jammu And Kashmir ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Association

The common association of political trust, legitimacy and participation within democratic states has engaged scholars to answer questions like: what are the bases of trusting the state and its institutions? And how enculturing trust can strengthen democratic governance? In this direction, institutional trust, which is invariably linked to political legitimacy, is critical to measure the health of governance. This article reflects upon the state-centric approach to governance, by exploring the interplay of institutional trust and public legitimacy in Jammu and Kashmir. The study of the state of institutional trust, as reflected in the post-2002 empirical data, enriches the theoretical discourse on governance in a conflict region.

The Development of Slovenia in the European Union: Social Aspects

2017 ◽  
pp. 102-108
Author(s):  
Iryna Butyrska
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

The author proves that the successful stability of independent Slovenia contributed to a number of factors, existing since its being incorporated in the SFRY. The factor, uniting the state has become the common goal – the aspiration to join the EU. The process of the European integration contributed to the modernization of a number of spheres, in particular social, cultural and economic ones. The global financial and economic crisis has revealed the turmoil in the economy of the state and its leadership was forced to gradually reduce a significant part of social privileges for the population. This caused the tension in the society and reduced the level of the national unity, having a negative impact on people’s wellbeing. However, since 2014, the Prime Minister M. Cherar has been trying to restore people’s trust in the state. The situation is getting better; indicators of trust in government are increasing, which also points to state capacity and political regime stability in Slovenia. Keywords: Slovenia, state stability, social sphere, government

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

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