scholarly journals Transformation Lebanon`s foreign policy vector 2011–2017 y.

Author(s):  
M. M. Dzera ◽  
R. Y. Pasichnyy ◽  
A. M. Ostapchuk

The place and international position of Lebanon in the world political arena today is changing and transforming under the influence of globalization. Thus, this is not deprive, but changes the vector on the international arena and does not exclude the already acquired conservative character. Prime Minister Tamam Salam, who is the executive of the President of the Republic of Lebanon, is reforming and liberalizing the law and changing the vector of foreign policy. He doing this without leaving the traditions and religious views, also without rejecting the conservative nature of foreign and domestic policies. Although Lebanon is part of the League of Arab States, which is accused of non-democracies, it has a democratic regime for a long time. Balancing the policy of the Lebanese Republic between conservatism, traditionalism, democracy and liberalization makes Lebanon a great country for analysis, since it provides an opportunity to reflect the coexistence of democracy with the stereotyped vision of the “Islamic world”.

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-232
Author(s):  
Tareq Na’el Al-Tawil ◽  
Prabhakar Gantasala ◽  
Hassan Younies

Purpose This paper aims to discuss the benefits and disadvantages of the law on the expansion of the jurisdiction of the Dubai International Financial Centre (DIFC) Court. The major role of DIFC Courts in the Arab community is to handle cases related to commerce and business. For a long time, the court had been acting only in their geographical area until a new law was enacted to extend their jurisdiction all over the world. Afterward, a lot of criticism emerged as for why and how the court will benefit from such actions. The law has drawn a harsh response, although most benefits have also been experienced since the court received quite a large number of new signings. Interaction at the world business forum has benefited the economy of Dubai thanks to the law. Design/methodology/approach The following study focuses on a description of such benefits and drawbacks. The study does not evaluate a factual process of expansion but indicates the most distinct evidence of positive, as well as negative consequences of the expansion. Findings It is appropriate to make a general comment on the fact that the expansion of DIFC Court is not sufficiently effective at the current stage. Needless to say, it contains numerous positive aspects, but the gaps are evidently essential because they place the entire Court in a hard circumstance. The Court does not have a well-developed legal framework for its new area of jurisdiction as long as its limited volume of prior precedent is a distinct sign of the Court’s dependence on the UAE’s Law. In such way, DIFC Court will not be able to address issues within new fields of jurisdiction, as it simply lacks an expertise and international law in its legal framework. Moreover, the jurisdiction over new areas of international business was not verified with a plain system of mediation, which is why a current expansion of DIFC Court has to be recognized as redundant. However, its advantages are tending to produce their effects provided that the Court manages to address its current problems. Originality/value The study has described the basic benefits and drawbacks of DIFC Court expansion. To speak about the main benefits, they can be depicted as appliance of the common law, unification of English language for proceedings, presence of a preliminary arbitration and guarantees of award enforcement. In a similar way, the drawbacks of the expansion have been issued. The study has identified such drawbacks as lack of international and sophisticated expertise, untested legal framework, strong influence of forum non conveniens, and existence of a limited volume of prior precedent. The paper has not assessed a success of a factual expansion of DIFC Court jurisdiction, but it has managed to fulfill its primary purpose. Thus, the paper has identified a certain tendency concerning the expansion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 99 (5) ◽  
pp. 851-854
Author(s):  
A R Akhmadeev ◽  
M A Kunst ◽  
A V Kosterina ◽  
S N Terekhova ◽  
A A Gaybaryan ◽  
...  

The article presents an overview of the development of hematology service in the Republic of Tatarstan. The well-known scientist Nikolay Konstantinovich Goryaev (1875-1943), who worked in Kazan for a long time, began to develop this direction and after passing an internship in Germany proposed an improved device for calculating the blood elements known throughout the world. Adherents of Professor Goryaev continued research in the field of hematology, a blood transfusion station was organized. Professor S.I. Sherman proposed new methods of diagnosis and treatment of B12 deficiency anemia. Professor Sh.I. Ratner studied the changes in the blood picture in diseases of the abdominal cavity. The first 15 specialized hematological beds were opened in 1968 in the hospital named “Old Clinic”. The physician who treated such patients was Rakhil Sholomovna Dashevskaya, PhD. At present, hematology service is provided by three hospitals in Kazan, hematological and therapeutical beds in Naberezhnye Chelny and Nizhnekamsk, outpatient hematology service in Zelenodolsk. In recent years, the introduction of stem cell therapy has begun, and modern combined methods of chemotherapy have been introduced.


Author(s):  
Alexander Sukhodolov ◽  
Tuvd Dorj ◽  
Yuriy Kuzmin ◽  
Mikhail Rachkov

For the first time in Russian historiography, the article draws attention to the connection of the War of Khalkhin Gol in 1939 and the conclusion of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of 1939. For a long time, historical science considered these two major events in the history of the USSR and history of the world individually, without their historic relationship. The authors made an attempt to provide evidence of this relationship, showing the role that surrounding and defeating the Japanese army at Khalkhin Gol in August 1939 and signing in Moscow of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact played in the history of the world. The study analyzes the foreign policy of the USSR in Europe, the reasons for the failure in the conclusion of the Anglo-Franco-Soviet military union in 1939 and the circumstances of the Pact. It shows the interrelation between the defeat of the Japanese troops at Khalkhin Gol and the need for the Soviet-German treaty. The authors describe the historic consequences of the conclusion of the pact for the further development of the Japanese-German relations and the course of the Second World War. They also present the characteristics of the views of these historical events in the Russian historiography.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksey Panischev

The monograph is devoted to the foreign policy of Ancient Rome during the period of the kings and the early Republic. The paper draws attention to the fact that at these stages of its development, Rome did not create a state in the modern sense, but rather a Federation, and with a developed self-government of its participants. Thanks to a system of mutually beneficial treaties, Rome became a political center among the peoples of Ancient Italy. At the same time, remnants of tribal relations were preserved in Ancient Rome for a long time. Attention is also paid to the development of military Affairs in Rome. It is noted that in Ancient Rome for a long time there were no defensive walls, which predisposed the Romans to an offensive type of warfare. The Romans created battle tactics that would be consistent with the characteristics of the soldiers ' weapons and would allow for rapid military training among recruits, which provided the Romans with high mobilization capabilities. However, classically represent the soldier in the Lorica of segmentata in the tsarist period was not. An important role in the development of Rome as the center of international politics of Ancient Italy, the center of the Federation was played by the high moral standards postulated by the ancient Roman society and invested in the concept of the Republic. All these diplomatic, ethical, and military features of Ancient Rome combined to determine the success of Roman civilization. However, it is worth noting that the disorganization of these principles caused the fall of Rome. For anyone interested in the historical processes of Ancient Italy and Ancient Rome.


1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B. Stewart

The British Dominions prior to the World War had already achieved practically unrestricted freedom with respect to technical and commercial treaties. They had not attained any comparable freedom with respect to “political” treaties. They were, with rare exceptions, excluded from participation in the conclusion of such treaties but were, nevertheless, bound automatically by the obligations undertaken by the mother country. The Government of the United Kingdom, subject to its responsibility to the Imperial Parliament at Westminster, exercised sole authority in all matters relating to the conduct of foreign policy, the maintenance of peace, and the declaration of war. That authority, Prime Minister Asquith declared at the Imperial Conference of 1911, could not be shared with the Dominions. Yet at the close of the War the Dominions were given separate representation at the Paris Peace Conference.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-59
Author(s):  
Dhea T. Lumentut ◽  
Yan G. Pelamonia ◽  
Johni R.V. Korwa

This paper aims to analyze Australian Prime Minister John Howard’s foreign policy in responding to illegal immigrants who attempt to enter Australian territory by sea. This study employed library research as well as a qualitative approach. In particular, this study used the theory of foreign policy offered by Walter Calsnaes called ‘a logically tripartite approach’ to analyze Howard’s policy in responding to illegal immigrants. This paper found that Howard’s foreign policy in responding to illegal immigrants was not only state-centric in nature focusing on protecting Australian sovereignty, but the policy also had a purpose to maintain power control. Firstly, Howard was willing to show the world that his leadership was different compared to his predecessors, asserting that Australia should not be regarded as a country of easy destination. Secondly, Howard showed that limiting the number of illegal immigrants was in the best interest of the country to protect Australians. Thirdly, Howard proved that his foreign policy towards illegal immigrants could influence the politics of Australia including federal elections. Lastly, Howard demonstrated his ability in the context of institutional settings by issuing new laws to strengthen his foreign policy. Keywords: Australia, John Howard, Illegal Immigrants, Policy Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kebijakan luar negeri Perdana Menteri John Howard dalam merespon para imigran ilegal yang datang ke Australia secara khusus melalui jalur laut. Studi ini menggunakan metode studi pustaka dan pendekatan kualitatif. Secara khusus, penulis menggunakan teori kebijakan luar negeri yang ditawarkan oleh Walter Carlsnaes yang disebut „a logically tripartite approach‟ untuk menganalisis kebijakan Howard dalam merespon imigran ilegal. Studi ini menemukan bahwa kebijakan luar negeri Howard dalam merespon imigran ilegal tidak hanya bersifat state-centric yang berfokus pada perlindungan kedaulatan negara, tetapi kebijakan itu juga memiliki motivasi untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan. Pertama, Howard ingin menunjukkan pada dunia bahwa ia adalah pemimpin yang berbeda dari pendahulunya dengan menegaskan bahwa Australia seharusnya tidak dipertimbangkan sebagai negara yang dapat dicapai dengan mudah. Kedua, Howard ingin menunjukkan bahwa pembatasan jumlah imigran ilegal adalah capaian kepentingan nasional untuk melindungi komunitas Australia. Ketiga, Howard menunjukkan bahwa kebijakannya terkait imigran ilegal dapat memengaruhi nuansa perpolitikan di Australia khususnya pada pemilihan umum federal. Keempat, Howard menunjukkan kemampuannya dalam konteks pengelolaan kelembagaan dengan mengeluarkan Undang-Undang baru hasil amandemen untuk memperkuat kebijakan luar negerinya. Kata kunci: Australia, John Howard, Imigran Ilegal, Kebijakan  


2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Kevin W. Fogg

Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counter-example. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948.[Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia

For the most part, the literature about Indonesia’s foreign policy does not stray far from a descriptive and chronological presentation of the subject. The fact of the matter is that an in-depth analysis of the nation’s foreign policy from a different era will impart valuable lessons to the current policymakers in charge of formulating and implementing such a policy. The era of Sukarno bore witness to the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy that was strong in ideas and practices. Employing discourse analysis, this article seeks to analyze five of Sukarno’s speeches, which were delivered in various international forums from 1955 to 1963. It demonstrates that during that time, Indonesia put forward a coherent and consistent foreign policy with colonialism as its master signifier. The promotion of such a discourse contributed positively to the diplomatic effort on the issue of West Papua by mobilizing supports from Asian-African nations, as well as attracting the interest of the superpowers. As a result, Indonesia’s national interest to bring West Papua into the Republic was well served, and furthermore, Indonesia succeeded in enhancing its image, role, and leadership in world affairs. This experience presents a challenge to the contemporary policymakers in producing a configuration of strong ideas and concepts that would allow the implementation of a foreign policy that serves the national interest, when the nation has once again risen as an important player on the world stage.


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