scholarly journals APA KABAR PEMBAHARUAN PEMIKIRAN ISLAM? (Meneropong Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam Post Cak Nur - Gus Dur)

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Moch Iqbal

In the 1990s the world of Islamic thought was very crowded and dynamic. There are some Islamic thinkers of the country who are very interested in producing discourses on Islamic thought. Some of them were (alm) Nurcholis Madjid and  (alm) Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Although the political realm of the homeland at that time began to warm up, the Islamic thought movement was very dynamic. After the fall of the new Order in 1998, and the death of several Islamic thinkers, the Islamic thought movement seemed to experience congestion. Even now it is quiet from healthy Islamic thinking. All components of thought are absorbed in the ups and downs of the political stage which attracts much attention. the results of this paper show that the political stage turned out to be more attractive to the generation of Islamic intellectuals post Cak Nur - Gus Dur.

PMLA ◽  
1926 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-487
Author(s):  
Frederic D. Cheydleur

During the last two and a half years France has lost three great writers, Pierre Loti, Anatole France, and Maurice Barrès. Loti, because of his impressionistic novels of the most artistic kind which record his tireless quest of sensations in all countries of the world, France, because of his epicurean philosophy and Voltairean wit expressed in two-score works of the most finished style, and Barrès, because of his triple rôle of author, politician, and leader of traditionalism in France,—all three have left a profound influence on the contemporary literature of their country. Of these three, Barrès, in spite of the conceit of his early egotism, the narrowness of his nationalism, and the occasional arrogance of his confidence in the superiority of French culture, is by far the most highly endowed and representative; and on this account his work will receive more and more attention from serious students of the political, social, and literary movements of the last thirty years in France. He was one of the first to make his voice heard against the extreme naturalism of Zola and his school; he founded a group of enthusiastic young writers striving toward a new order of things; and, after a period of hesitation, he stood forth as the champion of the best traditions of his country. The purpose of this paper is not, however, to make a comparative study of the relative greatness of these three writers, but rather to trace the struggle between the classical and romantic elements in Barrès' composition, and to show that the latter were not only predominant in his first writings but continued to the end of his life as a strong undercurrent in his novels and books of travel.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achmad Zulfikar ◽  
Baharuddin Nur

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) adalah antitesa dari pengangkatan kepala daerah yang telah berlangsung cukup lama, setidaknya hampir seusia dengan orde lama ditambah orde baru atau sekitar 50 tahun dari 70 tahun usia pemerintahan kita. Diangkat dan dipilih adalah dua hal yang berbeda. Dipilih tentu saja lebih demokratis daripada diangkat. Dipilih merupakan hasil dari sejumlah alternatif, sementara diangkat lebih terkesan suatu pilihan yang datang dari atas (top down). Pilkada merupakan sistem yang dibangun oleh pemerintah untuk memastikan Kepala Daerah berasal dari pilihan rakyat, bukan penunjukan dari pejabat atau kekuasaan diatasnya. Lazimnya, Pilkada berlangsung sesuai dengan penanggalan kegiatan politik setiap daerah, dimana batas masa tugas lima tahun dijadikan sebagai patokan untuk dilaksanakannya Pilkada lagi. Namun pada 9 Desember 2015 ini penanggalan itu mengalami perubahan atas dasar pertimbangan efisiensi dan efektivitas pelaksanaan Pilkada ke depan. Oleh karenanya, Pilkada yang akan berlangsungi di Indonesia ini merupakan pesta demokrasi terbesar yang pernah dilakukan di negeri ini, bahkan di dunia. Dalam makalah ini, penulis tertantang untuk menelaah bagaimana kemungkinan yang akan timbul sebagai implikasi Pilkada serentak ini terhadap aspek sosial, politik dan ekonomi masyarakat di Indonesia.---Local election / regional head election is antithesis of appointment of region head which have lasted long enough, at least almost as old with Old Order Era plus with New Order Era or about 50 year from 70 year old of Indonesian was established. Appointment and election are two different things. Elected is certainly more democratic than appointed. Elected is the result of a number of alternatives, while being lifted is more impressed with a choice that comes from the top. Local election is a system built by the government to ensure the Regional Head comes from the people's choice, not the appointment of officials or powers above it. Typically, elections take place in accordance with the political activities of each region, where the five-year term is used as a benchmark for the implementation of re-elections. However, on December 9, 2015 this calendar has changed based on the consideration of efficiency and effectiveness of Local election implementation in the future. Therefore, the elections that will take place in Indonesia is the biggest democracy party ever conducted in this country, even in the world. In this paper, the authors challenged to examine how the possibilities would arise as the implications of this Local concurrent election on the social, political and economic aspects of society in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-56
Author(s):  
Laetitia Monteils-Laeng

Abstract The tripartite division of peoples described in chapter 7 of book VII of Aristotle’s Politics identifies natural-born Greeks as the only people capable of free and well-ordered living in the polis. Ought we to infer from this passage that the underlying asymmetry between Greeks and non-Greeks somehow corresponds to the distinction, found in book I, between those who are masters by nature and those who are slaves by nature? The aim of this paper is to show that this claim is not only not self-evident, but that it runs counter to Aristotle’s non-providential finalism, which is incompatible with the notion that nature could favor one people to the detriment of all others. In other words, the Greek people is not the rightful heir of the order of the world to the extent that their natural superiority in the political realm is quite accidental.


1913 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-112
Author(s):  
F. J. Holder

In the forenoon of this twentieth century, when democracy is asserting itself, no less in the political realm than against the old aristocracy of learning, we who are voluntarily yoked to the common load of teaching mathematics must realize its present state of unrest. Possibly this is not more noticeable in mathematics than in many other branches of the curriculum, and it is probably a bit less conspicuous in the colleges and universities than in the secondary schools; and furthermore, this unsettled condition is by no means confined within the walls of our American institutions, but its constant throbbing is felt in the educational pulse of every progressive country in the world. There seems to be an ever-present desire for a change without first counting the cost of the move; a mere effort to have things different, with no well-defined plan of having them better.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
Arbi Mulya Sirait

Abstract In its history, Islam has had a phase where it has progressed in various ways, one of which is in the political realm. This is marked by the number of areas that were successfully conquered by Islam so that its teachings also developed very rapidly. However, in history, Islam has also experienced a period of decline where there have been many divisions among internal Muslims as well as due to external influences, and some of the causes are the advancement of Western civilization so that it affects the existence of the world of Islamic politics as well. The data obtained from this paper comes from various references in the form of books, journals, and other writings. Then the data is reviewed to produce a conclusion. In this paper, we will discuss how Jamaluddin al-Afghani's efforts in arousing the spirit of unity of the Muslim community in order to escape from western influences and shadows, as well as his efforts to improve the internal conditions of Muslims, both social, political and religious. Jamaluddinal-Afghani the first reformer in Islam who brought salafiyah under the banner of Pan Islamism, with the principle that Muslims wherever he is is the Unity of Brothrhood or a unity of brotherhood that must be fostered continuously. Jamaluddin said that the only most revolutionary way to liberate the fate of Muslims from colonialism, imperialism and materialism was politics imbued with religion. Jamaluddin, as an Islamic reformer, tried hard to improve Islam from within by completely attacking superstition, khurafat and bid'ah. Key Word: Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Pan-Islamism, Political Islam


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 14 provides an overview of sexual forms of violence against women in politics. Sexual violence comprises a host of unwanted behaviors targeting a person’s sexuality and sexual characteristics, ranging from non-consensual physical contact to unwelcome verbal conduct of a sexual nature. Whether involving a single incident or a pattern of behavior, sexual violence violates human dignity, communicating a message of domination and disrespect. Employed to display, gain, or maintain power, sexual violence can also create a hostile work environment, interrupting and potentially undermining women’s labors and contributions. Recent interventions around the world, especially in the wake of the #MeToo movement, seek to deepen emerging understandings that sexual violence is pervasive but unacceptable in the political realm by working to raise awareness, pursue sanctions, and devise preventative measures to expose and combat sexual violence in its various forms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 670-676
Author(s):  
David Oliver Kasdan

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the variety of dichotomies related to disaster management with an objective to gain a better understanding of how and when dichotomous thinking can improve disaster management, especially in the discourse of disaster management politics. Design/methodology/approach This is a reflective essay that surveys dichotomies from multiple disciplines in respect to their potential contributions to disaster management. Findings Thinking about disaster management as a collection or series of dichotomies may help to better understand the sources, vulnerabilities, approaches, modes, methods and modes for related decision-making scenarios, particularly in the political realm. Research limitations/implications The world is not so simply divided at every turn and dichotomous thinking may harbor biases, mask ignorance and/or offend postmodern notions of alterity. Practical implications Portraying disaster management through dichotomies is an efficient way for experts to convey information and structure decisions for political agendas. Originality/value This study presents a unique perspective of disaster management and how it may shape the thinking and decision making of disaster management politics.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 688-695
Author(s):  
Joshua Mitchell

Arguments about the emergence of modern political theory often claim that Protestantism's significance was that it evacuated the political world, that a more properly political ethic took its place, a “disenchanted” one. I shall consider Luther's understanding of biblical history, thoughts on the Christian prince, and view of the “bonds of union” between Christians in order to understand the relationship between the political and spiritual realms. I suggest that even though Luther argues for the separation of the two realms, his political realm is by no means disenchanted. His politics can only be understood in light of his claims about the purview of God the Father and God the Son. “Political vacuum theories,” I suggest, misconstrue the relationship between politics and religion in Protestant thought.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3(66)) ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Marcin Rebes

The Crisis of Values and Migration Policy. A Philosophical Perspective The world of values and the world of politics seem distant from each other. However, as the evidence of recent decades indicates, European policy is based on an ethical experience. A special example is the experience of solidarity during the political transformation in Central Europe, which plays an important role in relation to the problem of the wave of migration on the old continent most recently. The fall of axiology announced by Nietzsche in the nineteenth century is at the same time a harbinger of a new order, because there is a new perspective on the problem of values. The principle of solidarity, which is offered in his book Formalism in Ethics and Non‑Formal Ethics of Values by Max Scheler, or the experience of solidarity described by Józef Tischner in The Spirit of Solidarity, show that the world of values is grounded within interpersonal relationships and that they constitute the foundation of society and the state. That is why migration policy cannot be limited to respect of human rights for citizens of one country. It should, rather, apply to all people. Politics, guided by social justice, thanks to the experience of solidarity is transformed into a policy of responsibility for others.


Author(s):  
Benjamin L. McKean

This chapter substantiates the author’s interpretation of the neoliberal theory of political legitimacy through a reconstruction of the views of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, whose works were key to popularizing neoliberalism and its attendant orientation. The task for those who want to resist neoliberalism is to provide people in such circumstances with another way of attending to their situation. Neoliberal theory divides the world up into the economic realm of freedom and the political realm of coercion, but in order to get people to see the world this way, it relies on the techniques of power that Michel Foucault dubbed “governmentality,” which escape this neat dichotomy. Neoliberalism’s tacit acknowledgment of its reliance on these forms of power, which preserve freedom of choice but nevertheless reliably guide people to particular perceptions and actions, lays the groundwork for an emancipatory reorientation that recognizes the political nature inherent to the economic realm.


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