CENTRAL ASIA AS AN INTEGRATION PROJECT IN THE FACE OF UNCERTAINTY

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-53
Author(s):  
VALERY MIKHAYLENKO ◽  
◽  
RUSTAMI SUHROB

Purpose of the study. The article examines the factors influencing the integration processes in Central Asia. The processes of substantiation, formation and institutionalization of Central Asia as a region are analyzed. A brief comparative analysis of the state of research in Russia and abroad of the processes of regional construction in Central Asia is given. To substantiate theoretical and methodological research tools, the authors turn to the theories of «old» and «new» regionalism, especially noting the heuristic potential of «non-Western» theories. The authors seek to justify the choice of integration models in the Central Asian region depending on the civilizational paradigm of regional actors. In this regard, the article analyzes the processes of the formation of the national identity of the Central Asian states. In connection with Kazakhstan's appeal to the Turkic origins of identity, the article draws attention to the foundations of the worldview in Turkish Islamic thought. The strengthening of China's role in infrastructure projects in the Central Asian states raises the question of the specifics of this state's global and regional policies. Russia relies on normative power in the region. The authors come to the conclusion that the main external and internal promoters of integration processes in Central Asia have different views on regionalism and different approaches to how the regional order should be organized. Conclusions. The authors share the point of view of A. Achariya, B. Buzan and J. Lawson that the global transformation of the system influences the formation of «non-Western» approaches to the theoretical substantiation of integration models and the practical design of integration projects. The experience of regional construction in Central Asia provides extensive empirical material for the theoretical understanding of «non-Western» regionalism and for politicians to take into account the specific features of regional construction and the implementation of integration projects.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205-225
Author(s):  
Nuradin U. Khanaliyev

After the collapse of the USSR, permanent domestic political turbulence gave rise to political autocracy and political struggle with its characteristic technologies for influencing internal state processes. At the same time, the Central Asian states began to actively engage in global processes. At the same time, various countries of the East and West began to show interest in expanding their economic and geopolitical presence in the Central Asian region. At the same time, the ideological influence on the countries of Central Asia intensified. Various external forces, pursuing specific goals, seek to exert their influence on the internal processes of sovereign states, often contrary to the interests of the peoples of the Central Asian region. In this article, the author analyzes the influence of external actors on the internal processes of Central Asian states from the point of view of ensuring the national security of Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 1005-1016
Author(s):  
Filippo Costa Buranelli

Abstract While much of the English School has focused on liberal aspects of solidarism, forms of “illiberal solidarism” in contemporary international society remain underexplored. Drawing on archival material and elite interviews conducted in Central Asia in the period 2013–2019, this paper advances the claim that the Central Asian elites have developed the institution of authoritarianism in their region through the mechanisms of mimicry/emulation and praise/blame. By looking at specific discourses and practices over the last two decades, the paper discusses how the Central Asian governments have been using the new elements of the “democratic transition” in combination with the traditional legitimation offered by diplomatic recognition to secure authoritarian regimes in the democratic age, to create authoritarian state-centric solidarity in the region, and to make “avtoritet” and “stabil'nost'” fundamental pillars of the Central Asian regional order. The paper contributes to the English School literature by providing an initial account of illiberal solidarism and by showing how authoritarianism can potentially be an institution of specific regional international societies; to the authoritarian diffusion literature by demonstrating that authoritarianism can have a deontic component alongside considerations of domestic survival; and to the broader norm diffusion literature by focusing on the spread of illiberal values.


Author(s):  
Assima AUBAKIR ◽  
Tuleutay SULEIMENOV

Determination of clear contours of European policy for Central Asia, which could satisfy the interests of both the European Union and the countries of the region, took quite a long time, and is still at the stage of forming common approaches to the implementation of mutually beneficial cooperation. The first program documents of the European Union in relation to Central Asia, called strategies, were to a greater extent only action plans aimed at maintaining its political and economic presence in the region. Meanwhile, the Central Asian countries are always interested in pragmatic interaction with the European Union on equal basis. In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia, which replaced the previous 2007 document. According to European politicians, it marks a new stage in relations between the two regions with improved approaches to building interaction between them. The purpose of the article is to analyze new trends in relations between Central Asia and the European Union from the point of view of both participants of this process and the evolution of the relevant EU policy documents.


InterConf ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
N. Nyshanbayev

The Central Asia as geopolitical region is in the system of international relations located at the crossroads of civilizations. As the concept of "Central Asia" is not fully and systematically studied in the scientific literature yet, there are conflicting discourses in the scientific community. From this point of view, the scientific analysis of the concept of "Central Asia" in the modern system of international relations is very important. In recent years, the Central Asian region (according to the concept of five states "Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan") has become not only a region of common interests of the international community, but also of growing geopolitical importance. In our opinion, it depends on two main reasons. First, the region has a strong natural material base and a strategic location. Secondly, it is a continuation of the fact that the emerging state institution in Central Asia is rapidly adapting to the realities of the new millennium and successfully integrating into world politics and economics.


Author(s):  
Ganiy Karassayev ◽  
Kanat Yensenov ◽  
Bekmurat Naimanbayev ◽  
Zhanat Bakirova ◽  
Faiina Kabdrakhmanova

This research article deals with the accepted and implemented agreements of the Central Asian states after after the fall of the Soviet Union: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan in the field of political and economic cooperation, defense, cultural, social and humanitarian spheres. The relations of the Central Asian states are the object of this research and are considered as a political and historical aspect. These Central Asian states have their own history of development, which was formed in the post-Soviet period. Therefore, scientific literature and archival documents were brought to scientific analysis in order to study their initiatives and agreements on cooperation with each other at the international level from a scientific point of view in the field of historical science and consider them in the historical and political aspect. From the theory methodological point studying the political, economic, socio-cultural development of the states of Central Asia in the historical and political aspect, as well as in the system of international relations is one of the most important problems. Therefore, it is necessary to summarize and analyze scientific literature, archival data and information contained in the collection of documents related to this topic from a scientific point of view. As a result, mutual agreements, friendship and cooperation between the states of Central Asia, strategic partnership in the areas of development were also studied, and an analysis of their past and future was carried out


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 687-705
Author(s):  
Nuradin U. Khanaliyev

The article attempts to identify how methods, strategies and primary activities of Islamist extremist and terrorist organizations have recently evolved. According to the author, this subject has not received adequate coverage in Russian political science. The author uses ISIL as an example of such groups and seeks to prove his thesis, according to which, after being defeated in Iraq and Syria, the organization was forced to search for areas of refuge in order to survive and carry on its terrorist activities. As was expected, ISIL chose Afghanistan as their hideout territory with the purpose of launching terrorist acts against Russia and the countries of Central Asia. For this purpose, the so-called “Caliphate”, or “Vilayet Khorasan”, was created: a branch of ISIL, which operates on the territories of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran, as well as in Central Asia. The article also highlights the similarities between the Central Asian states and the Russian Federation as potential targets of terrorist attacks. After analyzing the main ideological and political guidelines and practical actions of ISIL, as well as several other terrorist groups, the author comes to the conclusion that the organizations in question have been experiencing crisis, but, at the same time, are characterized by vitality, especially with regard to ideology and religious values.


Author(s):  
K. L. Syroezhkin

The article is dedicated to the perspectives of the Chinese initiative of the Silk Road economic belt from the prospective of the Central Asian states' national interests. The author claims that the common understanding of Central Asia as a united region is limited: there are many conflicts and problems between states which haven't yet been resolved. The problems of borders and ethnical enclaves remain to be potentially dangerous as well as recurrent problems of regionalism and tribalism. The essential water resources are distributed in a highly disproportionate way. During a long period of time Central Asia has been taking the position of an intercontinental corridor, linking Asia and Europe, and that is why external actors showed no interest in building a Central Asian integration project. Besides, political elites of Central Asia also were not interested in appearance of supranational institutes which will inevitably create a highly competitive political order. Nonetheless, the very idea of the Silk Road economic belt, in political terms, was approved by all the Central Asian states. This paradox can be partly explained referring to the absence of political limitations, imposed on states by the project. However, it doesn't mean that China experiences altruism. The author stresses that the Silk Road economic belt has never been a pure integration project. The core element of the concept is not the improvement of national industrial potential of the countries the Road crosses but the idea of the intensive development of western regions of China. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-240
Author(s):  
Aktolkyn Kulsariyeva ◽  
Madina Sultanova ◽  
Zhanerke Shaigozova

The article deals with the semantic nature of the images of a wolf and a she-wolf in the shamanistic natural philosophy of the nomadic Turkic-speaking population of Central Asia. The focus here is an archetypal image of a wolf and a she-wolf as ancestors, defenders and guardians of the Turks’ cultural code – one of the most powerful, large-scale and sustainable Eurasia cultures, united by common linguistic roots and mentality. The majority of studies of the semantics of zoomorphic characters in Central Asian cultures focus on a wolf, while a she-wolf’s image at most is in the sidelines, although it appears in almost all Turkic genealogical legends as one of the central characters. The authors are of the opinion that the study of natural philosophical underpinnings of images of a wolf and a she-wolf from the point of view of traditional shamanistic ritualism can expand the long-held beliefs about transformation and specificity of functioning of mental values in the cultural sphere of modern society.


Itinerario ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 502-527
Author(s):  
Ulfat Abdurasulov

AbstractIt is broadly assumed that attempts by the Russian state of Muscovy to establish stable diplomatic and mercantile channels to India via Central Asia were started upon the initiative of the Emperor Peter I (1682–1725). Such attempts are generally interpreted as being part of a large-scale project that reflected the growing imperial and colonial ambitions of Russia and which, in turn, entailed strong antagonism from the ruling elites of Central Asia, thereby setting a tone for relations that would continue for the next century and more of reciprocal relations between the local principalities and Russia. By exploring chancellery documents from seventeenth-century Muscovy, we find that the first diplomatic communications between Russia, Khiva, and Bukhara can in fact be dated to long before the reign of Peter I. The first Romanov tsars sought to initiate exchanges with Khiva and Bukhara as a means of establishing diplomatic and commercial ties with the Mughal emperors; at the same time, meanwhile, the authorities in Khiva and Bukhara had their own reasons for pushing Muscovy to engage with Central Asia as a conduit to India. Over the course of the seventeenth century, Central Asian diplomats went to great lengths—both in diplomatic correspondence and through direct interpersonal contacts—to convince their Russian counterparts of the region's attractiveness as a source of precious Indian commodities and as a logistically convenient passage to India. Despite such rhetoric, however, the authorities in Khiva and Bukhara were in fact highly reluctant to “open” the region to Russian agents: repeated attempts by Muscovy to engage in diplomatic fact-finding as a means of establishing influence in the region invariably foundered in the face of Central Asian resistance. Bukharan and Khivan circles seem, in fact, to have held out the enticing idea of “a passage to India” simply as a rhetorical device to secure recognition in Muscovy for their own diplomatic and mercantile missions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 82-96
Author(s):  
Ali Emre Sucu ◽  
O. I. Iskandarov ◽  
R. B. Mahmudov ◽  
D. N. Chernov

Central Asia's importance in Turkish foreign policy has begun to rise since the beginning of the 2010s. Turkey determines its regional policy in the conception of the Turkic world, including Azerbaijan. With this regard, Turkey pays particular attention to the institutionalization of bilateral relations with the regional states. The most successful measure in that direction is the establishment of the Turkic Council. This integration project marks significant progress for the institutionalization of Turkey's Central Asian policy. Turkey is one of the non-regional actors affecting the Central Asian balance of power. However, it has limited influence on regional security and military affairs, which Russia dominates. Turkey is only a secondary non-regional actor in Central Asia. Therefore, it primarily structures its Central Asian policy using common historical and cultural elements. In this study, we investigate whether Turkey has a long-term project in Central Asia. For this purpose, we explore the restrictions of Turkish policy in Central Asia. After that, we compare Turkey's importance for the foreign policies of Central Asian states. Additionally, we evaluate Turkey's interest in non-Western organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to transform Turkish foreign policy priorities in recent years. Finally, we show that Turkey has a policy toward Central Asia but not a fully-fledged project for the region.


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