scholarly journals ЭССЕНЦИАЛИСТСКАЯ ПАРАДИГМА НАЦИОНАЛИЗМА И БУДУЩЕЕ ДОНБАССА В МЕМУАРАХ БОЙЦОВ УКРАИНСКИХ ДОБРОВОЛЬЧЕСКИХ БАТАЛЬОНОВ

Author(s):  
А.А. Плеханов ◽  
В.К. Герасимов

В статье исследуются репрезентации продолжающегося военного конфликта на востоке Украины, представленные в литературных произведениях за авторством ветеранов украинских парамилитарных формирований. Поднимается проблема трансляции радикальных националистических взглядов через литературу, построенную на травматическом военном опыте ветеранов АТО/ООС. В частности, изучается воображаемый образ украинской (этно)нации и государственности. Исходя из теоретических установок Б. Розенвейн, авторы предлагают рассматривать представителей представляемой ими группы как специфическое «эмоциональное сообщество», а создаваемую ими литературу как пространство воспроизводства не только современной версии «казацкого мифа», но и праворадикального нарратива «национализирующего национализма». Будущее русскоязычных жителей Донбасса в исследуемом корпусе литературы представляется в диапазоне от тотальной украинизации и этноязыковой дискриминации до физического уничтожения или выселения за пределы Украины. Эта позиция, с одной стороны, проистекает из опыта коммуникации с населением в зоне конфликта, с другой – оказывается обусловлена уже существовавшем представлением о Донбассе как о «больном» регионе страны, населённом внутриукраинскими «Другими». Таким образом, в данном парамилитарном дискурсе территория Донбасса и его население оказываются ставкой в игре с нулевой суммой. The article examines the representations of the ongoing military conflict in the east of Ukraine in literary works created by the veterans of Ukrainian paramilitary formations. The problem of radical nationalist views’ representation through literature based on the traumatic military experience of the ATO/JFO veterans is in the spotlight. The volunteer battalions members' perceptions of themselves and Donbass, its inhabitants, and its future are analyzed. Based on the theoretical framework of B. Rosenwein, authors propose to view representatives of this group as a specific "emotional community" while the literature written by them should be seen as a space for reproducing not only the modern version of the "Cossack myth" but also the far-right narrative of "nationalizing nationalism”. In the studied corpus, Donbass Russian-speaking inhabitants’ future is presented in the range from total Ukrainization and ethnolinguistic discrimination to mass killings or deportations outside of the state borders. On the one hand, this position stems from the combatants' experience of communication with the population in the conflict zone and, on the other hand, is conditioned by the already existing perception of Donbas as a "sick" region of Ukraine, populated by intra-Ukrainian "Others". Thus in Ukrainian paramilitary discourse, Donbass territory and population are viewed as a bet in a zero-sum game.

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 487-494
Author(s):  
Daniel Mullis

In recent years, political and social conditions have changed dramatically. Many analyses help to capture these dynamics. However, they produce political pessimism: on the one hand there is the image of regression and on the other, a direct link is made between socio-economic decline and the rise of the far-right. To counter these aspects, this article argues that current political events are to be understood less as ‘regression’ but rather as a moment of movement and the return of deep political struggles. Referring to Jacques Ranciere’s political thought, the current conditions can be captured as the ‘end of post-democracy’. This approach changes the perspective on current social dynamics in a productive way. It allows for an emphasis on movement and the recognition of the windows of opportunity for emancipatory struggles.


Author(s):  
Peter Coss

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER VIALS

American studies has developed excellent critiques of post-1945 imperial modes that are grounded in human rights and Enlightenment liberalism. But to fully gauge US violence in the twenty-first century, we also need to more closely consider antiliberal cultural logics. This essay traces an emergent mode of white nationalist militarism that it calls Identitarian war. It consists, on the one hand, of a formal ideology informed by Identitarian ethno-pluralism and Carl Schmitt, and, on the other, an openly violent white male “structure of feeling” embodied by the film and graphic novel 300, a key source text for the transatlantic far right.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 650-672
Author(s):  
Josef Weinzierl

AbstractQuite a few recent ECJ judgments touch on various elements of territorial rule. Thereby, they raise the profile of the main question this Article asks: Which territorial claims does the EU make? To provide an answer, the present Article discusses and categorizes the individual elements of territoriality in the EU’s architecture. The influence of EU law on national territorial rule on the one hand and the emergence of territorial governance elements at the European level on the other provide the main pillars of the inquiry. Once combined, these features not only help to improve our understanding of the EU’s distinctly supranational conception of territoriality. What is more, the discussion raises several important legitimacy questions. As a consequence, the Article calls for the development of a theoretical model to evaluate and justify territoriality in a political community beyond the state.


Author(s):  
José Duke S. Bagulaya

Abstract This article argues that international law and the literature of civil war, specifically the narratives from the Philippine communist insurgency, present two visions of the child. On the one hand, international law constructs a child that is individual and vulnerable, a victim of violence trapped between the contending parties. Hence, the child is a person who needs to be insulated from the brutality of the civil war. On the other hand, the article reads Filipino writer Kris Montañez’s stories as revolutionary tales that present a rational child, a literary resolution of the dilemmas of a minor’s participation in the world’s longest-running communist insurgency. Indeed, the short narratives collected in Kabanbanuagan (Youth) reveal a tension between a minor’s right to resist in the context of the people’s war and the juridical right to be insulated from the violence. As their youthful bodies are thrown into the world of the state of exception, violence forces children to make the choice of active participation in the hostilities by symbolically and literally assuming the roles played by their elders in the narrative. The article concludes that while this narrative resolution appears to offer a realistic representation and closure, what it proffers is actually a utopian vision that is in tension with international law’s own utopian vision of children. Thus, international law and the stories of youth in Kabanbanuagan provide a powerful critique of each other’s utopian visions.


1967 ◽  
Vol 71 (677) ◽  
pp. 342-343
Author(s):  
F. H. East

The Aviation Group of the Ministry of Technology (formerly the Ministry of Aviation) is responsible for spending a large part of the country's defence budget, both in research and development on the one hand and production or procurement on the other. In addition, it has responsibilities in many non-defence fields, mainly, but not exclusively, in aerospace.Few developments have been carried out entirely within the Ministry's own Establishments; almost all have required continuous co-operation between the Ministry and Industry. In the past the methods of management and collaboration and the relative responsibilities of the Ministry and Industry have varied with time, with the type of equipment to be developed, with the size of the development project and so on. But over the past ten years there has been a growing awareness of the need to put some system into the complex business of translating a requirement into a specification and a specification into a product within reasonable bounds of time and cost.


Philosophy ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 58 (224) ◽  
pp. 215-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. L. Clark

Philosophers of earlier ages have usually spent time in considering thenature of marital, and in general familial, duty. Paley devotes an entire book to those ‘relative duties which result from the constitution of the sexes’,1 a book notable on the one hand for its humanity and on the other for Paley‘s strange refusal to acknowledge that the evils for which he condemns any breach of pure monogamy are in large part the result of the fact that such breaches are generally condemned. In a society where an unmarried mother is ruined no decent male should put a woman in such danger: but why precisely should social feeling be so severe? Marriage, the monogamist would say, must be defended at all costs, for it is a centrally important institution of our society. Political community was, in the past, understood as emerging from or imposed upon families, or similar associations. The struggle to establish the state was a struggle against families, clans and clubs; the state, once established, rested upon the social institutions to which it gave legal backing.


2006 ◽  
pp. 29-56
Author(s):  
Michal Sládecek

In first chapters of this article MacIntyre?s view of ethics is analyzed, together with his critics of liberalism as philosophical and political theory, as well as dominant ideological conception. In last chapters MacIntyre?s view of the relation between politics and ethics is considered, along with the critical review of his theoretical positions. Macintyre?s conception is regarded on the one hand as very broad, because the entire morality is identified with ethical life, while on the other hand it is regarded as too narrow since it excludes certain essential aspects of deliberation which refers to the sphere of individual rights, the relations between communities, as well as distribution of goods within the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 11-45
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Izak

Kryzys imigracyjny w 2015 r. stał się motorem dla ruchów i partii negujących dotychczasowy porządek polityczny, także tych, które nie ukrywają swoich ksenofobicznych haseł i idei. Z perspektywy czasu jest coraz więcej oznak, że decyzja o niekontrolowanym przyjęciu uchodźców była bardziej wyrazem myślenia życzeniowego niż racjonalnym rozstrzygnięciem uwzględniającym rzeczywistą sytuację polityczną. Tym samym Europa znalazła się w niebezpiecznej sytuacji, kiedy to z jednej strony rosną w siłę ruchy skrajnie prawicowe, a z drugiej – radykalny islam. Każda z tych formacji legitymizuje swoje istnienie i metody działania istnieniem drugiej strony, a także próbuje doprowadzić do polaryzacji społeczeństwa i stworzenia takiej sytuacji, która niejako wymusi na obywatelach opowiedzenie się po stronie którejś z tych formacji. Paradoksalnie, decyzja kanclerz Merkel znacznie zwiększyła ryzyko wystąpienia takiego scenariusza, dlatego też niemieckie władze postrzegają i islamski, i prawicowy ekstremizm jako stwarzające jednakowe zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa państwa. Jednak dopiero ostatnie zamachy terrorystyczne w październiku i listopadzie 2020 r. we Francji i Niemczech przyczyniły się do zmiany politycznej narracji. Changes in the perception of immigration, integration, multiculturalism and threats of Islamic radicalism in certain EU member states The 2015 immigration crisis became a driving force for movements and parties that negate the current political order, including those that do not conceal their xenophobic slogans and ideas. In retrospect, there are more and more signs that the decision to accept the uncontrolled refugee influx was more an expression of wishful thinking than a rational decision, taking into account the actual political situation. Thus, Europe finds itself in a dangerous situation with far-right movements on the one hand, and radical Islam on the other. Each of these formations legitimizes its existence and methods of operation by the existence of the other side, trying to polarize society and create a situation that will somehow force citizens to opt for one of the two options. Paradoxically, Chancellor Merkel’s decision significantly increased the risk of such a scenario, hence the perception of Islamic and right-wing extremism by the German authorities as posing an equal threat to state security. However, it was only the recent terrorist attacks in October and November 2020 in France and Germany that changed the political narrative.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. e055005
Author(s):  
Elena Theodoropoulou

The connection between a non philosophical work and its reception in education through its transformation into a learning/teaching material and a possible philosophical reading, in order to recognize and define the philosophical stance of this very material, could not but be a challenge for philosophy of education itself, namely, in its relation to (or as) practical philosophy. This kind of reduction to the state of material could instrumentalize the latter raising practical, ethical and methodological issues about the pedagogical intention itself; subsequently, the art, literature, philosophy, and science lying behind materials become equally instrumentalized and evacuated. This article attempts, on the one hand, to circumscribe and describe this movement of “becoming material” as a question philosophically and pedagogically challenging and, on the other, to reflect about a critical understanding of this very question as an example of research in practical philosophy. 


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