ITALIAN WOMEN IN FRONT OF THE BALLOT BOX (ON THE POLITICAL PREFERENCES OF THE FEMALE ELECTORATE)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-85
Author(s):  
ELENA MASLOVA ◽  

The paper focuses on the political preferences of the female electorate in the Italian Republic. In particular, the main factors that affect the electoral behavior of women are considered, data on gender preference are given in the last parliamentary elections of 2018 and European 2019. The author concludes that the main trend - the low involvement of women in the political life of the country has remained since the First Republic. Given this, the female electorate represents an unrealized resource that can be used by political forces and Italian parties in the struggle for voter votes.

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-587
Author(s):  
William Fraeys

On October 8th 2000 municipal elections were held in Belgium to renew the local councils which had been elected in 1994. In the Walloon region and in Flanders in addition provincial elections were organised.  The aim of the article is to try and measure globally where the political forces stand after these elections and among others to assess whether significant swings have take place since june 13th, 1999, when the latest parliamentary and regional elections took place.  On the basis of an estimation of the global results in the municipal elections of the various parties in the Walloon region, in Flanders and in Brussels, backed up by the actual results of the provincial elections, one can say that the liberal group bas strengthened its first position.The Christian democrats, who make up the second most important political group and the Socialists, who rank third, have regained a large part of the losses they incurred onjune 13th, 1999.Although improving their results in comparison with 1994, the Green parties lost again part of their advance they registered in the parliamentary and regional elections and which had probably been boosted by the dioxin crisis.The frenchspeaking far right practically disappears, whereas the Vlaams Blok obtained an average of 15 % of the Flemish electorate in the municipal and provincial elections, a level which it had reached in the 1999 parliamentary elections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Fábrega ◽  
Jorge González ◽  
Jaime Lindh

AbstractConsensus democracy among the main Chilean political forces ended abruptly after the 2013 presidential and parliamentary elections, the most polarized elections since the return to democracy in 1990. Relying on spatial voting theory to uncover latent ideological dimensions from survey data between 1990 and 2014, this study finds patterns of gradual polarization starting at least ten years before the collapse of consensus, based on an increasing demobilization of the political center that misaligned politicians from their political platforms (particularly in the center-left parties). That phenomenon changed the political support for the two main political coalitions and the intracoalition bargaining power of their various factions. The pattern also helps to explain the process behind the 2015 reform of the electoral system.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad El-Sharif

The Late King Hussein’s last Speech from the Throne in 1997 was given amidst public outcry over the outcomes of the parliamentary elections which resulted the triumph tribal figures with regional affiliations after the boycott of most political parties. This brought to public debate the questions of maintain the long-established balance between the several socio-political structures in the political life in Jordan. While the speech can be perceived as a reflection of King Hussein’s vision about ‘Jordanian democracy’, it can also be interpreted as an elaborate scheme to construct the conventional understanding of the exceptionality of Jordan and its socio-political institutions; including democracy. This article discusses the representation of ‘Jordanian democracy’, the state, and the socio-political structures in Jordan as reflected in the Late King’s last speech from the throne (1997). The analytical framework follows a critical metaphor analysis perspective in which all instances of metaphors used to epitomise these issues are primarily acknowledged from there sociocultural context. Herein, the article focuses on revealing the aspect of metaphorical language by which the Late King Hussein legitimizes and, hence, constructs, the prevailing ideology pf the ‘exceptionality’ of Jordan.


Author(s):  
I. Grishin

The article analyses results of Swedish parliamentary elections in September 2010. The author regards them as another manifestation of the fact that Sweden is losing peculiarity of its social development model. This is a result of the end of an era of two-block party structure of the Riksdag (left and right centers) and of the domination of Social Democrats in the political life of the country. The new third political force – the party of Swedish Democrats which strongly opposes the other culture immigration – is detail regarded.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-824
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński ◽  
Vjeran Pavlaković

What are the consequences of a culture of victory in countries undergoing new state formation and democratic transition? In this article, we examine ‘foundational legitimacy,’ or a hegemonic narrative about the way in which a new state was created, and the role particular groups played in its creation. We argue that the way in which victory is institutionalized can pose a grave threat to the democratic project. If reconciliation and democratization depend of integrating losers into the new order and recognizing plural narratives of state formation, then exclusivist narratives based on foundational legitimacy pose a direct challenge to both. We focus on two Yugoslav successor states, Kosovo and Croatia. For both cases, we trace how appeals to ‘foundational legitimacy’ by groups that claim a leading role in the struggle for independence fostered a politics of exclusion, which ran counter to both the spirit of democracy. In Croatia, foundational legitimacy was partly challenged after 2000 by reformist political forces, though more recently it has re-appeared in political life. In Kosovo, foundational legitimacy was never successfully challenged and continues to shape political dynamics to the present day.


Author(s):  
E. Solov’ev

2019 was considered by many analysts as a kind of milestone. V.Zelenskiy and his party “Servant of the People” won an unconditional victory on the presidential and parliamentary elections and, as it seemed, launched not only a new political cycle, but also a new stage in the political history of Ukraine. V.Zelenskiy for some time had almost unlimited political potential. It seemed that among decisions of many problems the prerequisites were created for finding solutions to the Donbass conflict. However, the political rating of the president demonstrated rapid erosion. Zelenskiy, who come to power riding the populist wave, haven’t a strong and stable political and economic base in the country and clear political preferences. So, under the pressure of the nationalistic groups he is moving in the direction laid by P.Poroshenko in attempts to manage the Donbass conflict, demonstrating a classic example of the “path effect”.


The results of the parliamentary elections of 2019 in the Republic of Moldova and the features of the structure of the state power vertical are analyzed. Using mathematical methods, the results of the parliamentary elections were also analyzed, the main determinants of the prevailing political processes, the key regions of the main political forces were determined, the general political landscape of the republic was clarified and investigated, its main laws were determined. The problematic issues of the political life and structure of the Republic of Moldova were examined. The features of the electoral legislation of the country are established. The properties of the main political parties of the republic are analyzed. Some features of the course of the national election process are highlighted. The features of the main political parties, their electoral field, ideological orientation, the history of formation and inter-party relations are considered. The factors of influence on the will of Moldovan voters are investigated. In addition, an effective number of parties has been established in the Moldovan parliament. The configurations of potential coalitions in the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova are analyzed. The ethnic component in the political life of the country is clarified. The role of the regional factor in the electoral process is emphasized. The spatial and electoral similarity of parties in the 2019 parliamentary elections was determined. The features of the functioning of the political system of the country are highlighted. Particular attention is paid to the stability and capacity of possible coalitions and the success of potential coalition negotiations in general. The degree of regional homogeneity of the parties is clarified. The role of religion in the electoral process during the parliamentary elections of 2019 is determined. The results of mathematical calculations are analyzed and the results of the analysis are summed up.


Simulacra ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Rony Zamzam Firdaus ◽  
Hary Yuswadi ◽  
Raudlatul Jannah

<p><em>This study aims to explain about political preferences and the peasant community, especially in the Curah Macan, Kalianyar Village, Ijen District, Bondowoso Regency East Java. Most of them are Horticulture farmers who use Plantation and Perhutani land. Ijen’s Farmers are often produced cabbage and potatoes. When these two crops have been harvested, it sold to the market, eaten for daily necessities, and there are also some crops that are dried in the sun and reprocessed into new seeds. This research focuses on the peasant and politics which included political affiliation and land tenure in the countryside. The historical impact of land tenure on citizens has an effect on rural political change. Land tenure and subsequent policies such as land leasing, marketing, distribution of plant seeds are related to the political system that occurs in the bulk Macan hamlet and the political life of the community. For this reason, the study uses Robert W. Hefner’s theory of Tengger. It explains farmers and rural politics. The research method is qualitative research methods. </em></p>


Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Imanutdin Khabibovich Sulaev ◽  

The article examines the revolutionary events of 1917 in Dagestan from the standpoint of legal awareness of Muslim public figures and clergy and their participation in the socio-political life of the region. The events had both common for the entire Russia and specific features due to the level of socio-economic and political development of the region and the role of Islam in its society. The article examines how the turbulent revolutionary time brought authoritative Muslim leaders to the political scene. Later, they aspired to develop their own tactics and strategy in order to influence the course of events in Dagestan after the February Revolution of 1917. Each representative of the secular and spiritual intelligentsia had their own attitude to the political forces that emerged during the struggle for the revolutionary democracy. The author notes such a characteristic feature of the revolutionary democracy of 1917 in Dagestan as the active involvement of the Muslim clergy in the new government institutions, their appeal to Islam and Sharia when clarifying and resolving various issues of socio-political importance. It is shown that the most important and discussed issue was the election of the head of the Caucasian Spiritual Board of Muslims from among muftis or imams by the Muslims of Dagestan and the North Caucasus. The healthy socio-political forces of the region aspired to preserve law and order in the region appealing to Sharia and Islam.


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