scholarly journals An Empirical Study on Women Representation in Parliament of South Asian Nations

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-51
Author(s):  
Sushovan Mondal ◽  
Rinrin Ghosh

Women have been discriminated in every sphere of life. In South Asia, women constitute roughly half of the population, yet they are rarely seen in parliament or as ministers. It is true that in all sphere of political leadership women are severely underrepresented or in other words, men greatly outnumber women in every sphere of decision making even in parliament also. Women need the power to break up the trap of confinement that engage them busy in domestic work and put many restrictions on them in this patriarchal society. Lack of opportunity and low representation in the political sphere deprives women of being politically empowered. This paper is an attempt to examine the study the women representation in the lower house of parliament and as well as to compare this with the average data of women members in the lower house of Asia and World.

Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Placing the developments previously discussed in a wider context, Chapter 12 explores the individualization of politics and the juridification of labor law, as well as the contingent and unstable link that new representative organizations have with political decision-making forums. The chapter reviews research into the transformation of politics, including the turn away from political (democratic) institutions in general and towards a reliance on “expert” institutions, and suggests that these connected processes – the NGO-ization of worker representation and the disintegration of the party-union link – reflect the breakdown of a core premise of neocorporatism: that being a worker was congruent with being a citizen. The union could once count on the labor party to fight its corner in the political sphere because the union’s members were also members of the political community, but now the political community is no longer congruent with the “worker community” – the labor force.


Author(s):  
Emad Abu-Shanab ◽  
Raya Al-Dalou'

The relationship between citizens and governments is the core of e-government. E-participation is one of the political dimensions of e-government which focuses on informing, consulting, involving, collaborating, and empowering citizens to take part of the decision making process. This study adopted a framework for the five levels of e-participation and tried to test such model empirically using 400 responses from Jordanians. The study tried to measure Jordanian perceptions towards e-participation initiatives and practices in Jordan, and to measure the achievements on each level as perceived and reported by subjects. Results indicated that the highest perceived level was e-involving, and the lowest was e-consulting. Also, the CFA results indicated a distorted distribution of items between the major levels. Results of other issues explored are discussed further in this study.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 1398-1428 ◽  
Author(s):  
ADIL HUSSAIN KHAN

AbstractThis paper looks at Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's political involvement in the Kashmir crisis of the 1930s under its second and most influentialkhalīfat al-masīh, Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad, who took over the movement in 1914, six years after the death of his father, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Communal tensions springing from the Kashmir riots of 1931 provided Mirza Mahmud Ahmad with an opportunity to display the ability of his Jama'at to manage an international crisis and to lead the Muslim mainstream towards independence from Britain. Mahmud Ahmad's relations with influential Muslim community leaders, such as Iqbal, Fazl-i Husain, Zafrulla Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah (Sher-i Kashmīr), enabled him to further both his religious and political objectives in the subcontinent. This paper examines Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's role in establishing a major political lobby, the All-India Kashmir Committee. It also shows how the political involvement of Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya in Kashmir during the 1930s left Ahmadis susceptible to criticism from opposition groups, like the Majlis-i Ahrar, amongst others, in later years. Ultimately, this paper will demonstrate how Mahmud Ahmad's skilful use of religion, publicity, and political activism during the Kashmir crisis instantly legitimized a political platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's entrance into the mainstream political framework of modern South Asia, which thereby has facilitated the development of the Ahmadi controversy since India's partition.


Author(s):  
Padmaja Shaw

Padmaja Shaw reviews “Community Radio Policies in South Asia” by Preeti Raghunath. Raghunath applies “deliberative policy ecology approach” to study how policy frameworks evolved in four South Asian nations, India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. Raghunath argues that the “deliberative policy ecology approach” is rooted in emancipatory politics that brings in the stakeholders at the bottom of the policy food chain. Raghunath’s intricate map of policy formulation in post-colonial societies is an engaging revelation of the continued contradictions between the developmentalist instincts of the state and the push of grassroots voices to claim their legitimate space in decision making.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (06) ◽  
pp. 1762-1796
Author(s):  
MASHAL SAIF

AbstractThis article examines the Indian poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal's appropriation by three Nadwat al-‘Ulama scholars: Sayyid Sulayman Nadwi (d. 1953), Abu'l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi (d. 1999), and ‘Abd al-Salam Nadwi (d. 1956). It argues that the particular depictions of Iqbal by the Nadwa ‘ulama can be mapped onto larger evolutions within the institute. The early Nadwa ‘alim Sulayman Nadwi imagines Iqbal as a Muslim leader par excellence. A more conservative understanding of Islam emerged with the later Nadwa ‘ulama. They emphasize traditional theological ideas, particular modes of piety, and ritualistic actions. The article suggests that the later Nadwa ‘ulama’s writings on Iqbal are reflective of this particular understanding of Islam and morality, although there are two distinct responses to the poet. The above examination of the Nadwa is placed within its broader historical context. In so doing, the article contends that the impact of the political milieu in India must be taken into account to understand shifts in the Nadwa and South Asian Islam more broadly. It also asserts that the political environment in South Asia influenced Iqbal's reception by the Nadwa ‘ulama as well as by Muslims in South Asia and beyond. Additionally, this article argues that all three works by the Nadwa ‘ulama are subjective portrayals informed by the social imaginaries of their authors. In fact, in a broader sense, all works of narrative historiography are subjective accounts. This realization problematizes the boundaries between the categories of historiography and hagiography, and this research calls for a rethinking of these tensions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-112
Author(s):  
Max Stille

This review article provides an overview of important, recent approaches to conceptual history from scholarship on South Asia. While conceptual history is not a consolidated field in South Asia, the colonial encounter has greatly stimulated interest in conceptual inquiries. Recent scholarship questions the uniformity even of well-researched concepts such as liberalism. It is methodologically innovative in thinking about the influence of economic structures for the development of concepts. Rethinking religious and secular languages, scholars have furthermore stressed the importance of smaller communicative units such as genre or hermeneutical practices to shape ideas e.g. of the political. As part of global and imperial formations, scholars are well aware of the link between power and colonial temporalities. Lastly, they have suggested new sources for conceptual history, such as literature, film, and sound.


Author(s):  
Thina Nzo

Research over the last decade on local government in South Africa has highlighted that some municipal councils under the political leadership of the Africa National Congress (ANC) have shown weak political leadership, coupled with strong patronage systems, rent-seeking and corruption which have had an impact on the institutional functionality of municipalities in South Africa. Although patronage politics have been predominantly used to analyse the dynamics of post-apartheid local government ANC politics and councillor representation, this prevents us from understanding the representational focus of ANC councillors in decision-making processes. This paper offers an ethnographic insight into experiences of ANC councillors and the political complexities involved in council decision-making. Using ethnographic research, this paper will analyse how a political decision by the ANC provincial party, which was supported by the ANC regional party at local level – to erect a statue of Nelson Mandela in one of the municipalities in the Northern Cape – generated tensions amongst ANC councillors who strongly viewed their primary role as promoters of better ‘service delivery’ rather than approving the allocation of scarce municipal resources for erecting a statue. The paper reveals how the dominant presence of ANC sub-regional structures at local level contribute to the complex interaction of both ANC party political and municipal organisational rules and norms that influence and shape councillors’ choices in decision-making.  


Author(s):  
Angela Efianda ◽  
Iswahyuni Iswahyuni

Leadership is the activity to influences others in order to guide them towards a certain goal (Miftah Thoha, 2013; 121). A leader is someone with capabilities and advantages so that they can influences and guides others to work together for a similar goal. Political leadership covers a wide range of topics due to how a country are constituted by structures designed to run it. Transactional leadership occurs because by default leadership is a form of social control between the leader and its subordinates. Transactional leadership or often called transactional politics has become its own problem. A normal kind of leadership when applied on other fields might become biased and pose a certain problem in the political sphere. Transactional politics can be hard to avoid especially in a presidential government system which involves multiple political parties. Transactional leadership is the kind of leadership modeled to attain a certain goal by giving rewards as well as guiding and controlling the subordinates so that they can work effectively and efficiently. It also focuses more on inter individual transaction, between the members and its managers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Hari R. Adhikari

This paper primarily presents the trajectory of growing up in South Asia drawing insights from the selected novels about South Asian youths (SA youths). In this process, the paper explores the political interest of the West in non-Western children and youths. The focus is on the exploration of whether contemporary youth literatures have still been reinforcing the image of SA youths as the Other of the European youths, or if there has been any significant change augmented by the recent phenomenon of global connectedness. By laying a framework of these forces for analyzing how they are reflected in the literatures for the South Asian youths by foreign, diaspora and home authors, this paper prepares a ground for further exploration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-359
Author(s):  
Dr. Asifa Jahangir ◽  
Rubeel Zain ◽  
Soulat Dilkusha

In the South Asian countries, the trends of power sharing, decentralization and power evolution have not only always remained a pertinent debate for the consolidation of democracy and good governance, but also static political systems due to their multiethnic realities, multilingual differences, multicultural diversification, and their authoritarian orientation in the respective countries. Historically, the transfer of power through the local system of government (LGS) was seen as an important tool to accelerate the transition to representative democracy on the subcontinent. However, it was largely aimed at creating a new political class that would support colonial rule and meet the political demands of the local population for power sharing within the boundaries of the colonial government structure. Due to their embedded interests, the colonial legacies in South Asian states offered non-representative state institutions such as the military enough space to influence the transformation process of democracy. The paper has two main objectives: (1) to explore the concepts of power devolution and their associative nomenclature; (2) to analysis of the political and administrative dimensions of decentralization to underpin the structure of decentralization in South Asia in general and Pakistan in particular. The results of the study are that the lack of the weakest local government system in the South Asian region in general, and in Pakistan in particular, is due to the colonial legacy of an ongoing controlled political mindset in the form of bureaucracy, frequent military coups, a lack of political will to develop a welfare state in Pakistan. It uses the qualitative research methods of phenomenology and correlation, which sheds light on the meaning of relative terms often used to explain delegation of authority for political and administrative purposes.


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