The Great Rumor Mill: Gossip, Mass Media, and the Ninja Fear

2010 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 723-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Herriman
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Word Of Mouth ◽  
Close Contact ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Press ◽  
Local Residents ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Government

Different methods of communication imply different social and political relations. Generally, mass media are distributed through centralized broadcast stations or presses and controlled by the elite. Face-to-face communications, which circulate through physically close contact between people, have more subversive potential. The author analyzes rumors spread in the press and by word of mouth during October and November 1998 in East Java, Indonesia. Conspirators and ninjas were suspected of killing many alleged sorcerers and persecuting the traditionalist Muslim majority. In response, local residents established guards against, attacked, and even killed suspected ninjas. Suspicion also was directed against the government, elites, and the armed forces. This subversive content is attributed to the interaction of two forms of communication: oral rumors became written rumors, and vice versa.

scholarly journals “The British Soldier is no Bolshevik”: The British Army, Discipline, and the Demobilization Strikes of 1919

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
British Army ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Civilian Life ◽  
Daily Mail ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.

scholarly journals #EsteVirusloParamosUnidos: War-like political communication on Twitter. Creating homogeneous communities in the Covid-19 crisis

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 1227-1241
Author(s):  
Anna Tous-Rovirosa ◽  
Daria Dergacheva
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Computer Based ◽  
The Government ◽  
Relationship Of

This article analyses the political communication on Twitter of the Government of Spain at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic. The #estevirusloparamosunidos campaign on Twitter is monitored during the dates with the worst results in terms of fatalities (March 31th- April, 4th, 2020). The sample included in total 398 523 tweets in four data sets. Through the Social Network Analysis, the main actors and the main interactions between users are identified. The research shows a high coincidence between the typology of the Press Conference Spokespersons and the main actors on the analyzed hashtag, prioritizing the Spanish Administration and the Armed Forces. There was also a high relationship of the main opinion leaders with their “natural spectrum”. We conclude that in this hashtag there was a “war-like” atmosphere. Via the computer-based text analysis we identify that the word ‘government’ was mentioned more than medical words and that there are present some military-like terms.

Life And Work of a Journalist

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-126
Author(s):  
Phạm Trần
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
The Press ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

This chapter recounts the major events and developments in the press scene in the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). It first considers the press under the First Republic (1960–1963) and afterward the Second Republic (1963–1975). Under the First Republic, the press was controlled in two ways to keep it from opposing the government. First, the government gave newspapers coupons to buy newsprint at subsidized prices. Next, all the newspapers had to work with the exclusive distributor Thống Nhất, a commercial entity under government control. From 1964 until 1965, the press in South Vietnam was very much controlled by the various semicivilian, semimilitary governments and was heavily influenced by the armed forces. To conclude, the chapter briefly discusses the Press Law and other forms of press control in today's communist Vietnam for the purpose of comparison.

scholarly journals A Theoretic Perspective on Critical Communications, Mass Media and Effectual Democracy in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Aaron Ola Ogundiwin ◽  
Joel N. Nwachukwu ◽  
Funminiyi Jacob Babajide
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
X Rays ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Inclusive Governance

In contemporary times, democracy has become the political buzzword and, indeed, the basic acceptable form of government with the emergence of liberalism which links democracy with freedom, consent, and political and legal equality. The mass media – which include newspapers, radio and television – play a prominent role in governance and democratic sustainability of any state. In fact, it is a truism that the media serve as the watchdog of governmental activities, ensuring that quality information with which the governed can hold their leaders accountable is made available. The mass media were actively involved in the struggles against colonialism and military rule, as well as the eventual restoration of democratic government in Nigeria. However, in Nigeria, the mass media are fast becoming a pawn in the hands of the government and party in power in particular, and are found in conspiracy with the political elite class in general. This article takes on the contributions of the mass media to effectual democracy in Nigeria. Using agenda setting theoretical framework, it x-rays the effectiveness and shortcomings of the media in delivering on its mandate as the fourth estate of the realm towards ensuring that democratic practices in Nigeria produce the intended result of promoting good and inclusive governance. The paper adopts qualitative research design with data drawn from secondary sources only. It equally uses descriptive and content data analysis. It is found that the mass media have indeed been the middlemen in entrenching democracy in Nigeria but these efforts are being undermined by pecuniary, ownership, political and structural-institutional influences. It is concluded that while the mass media strive to ensure the general inclusion of the populace in the process of governing which fulfills a core democratic tenet, they can do more to overcome the challenges. Among other things, this paper recommends that the government should be deliberate in guaranteeing the freedom of the press to allow for free transmission of information between the government and the people without fear or favour, and likewise, the press should be professional, objective, critical and independent in their reportage, embracing the virtue of investigative journalism.

scholarly journals Model Strategi Komunikasi Untuk Pelestarian Bekantan dan Habitatnya

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-163
Author(s):  
Hairunnisa Hairunnisa ◽  
Muhammad Noor ◽  
Hariati Hariati ◽  
Annisa Wahyuni ◽  
Chatur Ganesa
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Forest Conversion ◽  
Wide Audience ◽  
Purposive Sampling ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Communication Campaigns ◽  
Illegal Activities ◽  
The Government ◽  
Use Of Social Media

This study identified a strategy for communication campaigns carried out by the government to preserve bekantan and its habitat. Data was collected by purposive sampling method by determining key informants, primary data obtained from direct interviews with respondents based on interview guidelines, while secondary book data, documents, archives, notes, and images related to the research objectives. The results of the study indicate that in conducting campaigns to maintain coaching more effectively use communication as a strategy to convey information to a wide audience. Media used from mass media and non-mass media. The government is of the opinion that direct or face-to-face communication is considered more effective to deliver information about preserving proboscis monkey. In addition, the Government also published various pamphlets, leaflets, and books containing important information about conservation. However, the use of social media and the internet has not been used for communication campaigns about the conservation of proboscis monkeys and their habitat. There are several inhibiting factors in maintenance in wild animals in Kuala Samboja. This is caused by habitat fragmentation and land management patterns due to forest conversion and illegal activities. In addition, because of the problems of conflict, spatial planning and law enforcement and crime rates, this is also a crucial problem. Keywords: Strategy, Campaign, Bekantan, Preservation, Communication   ABSTRAK Studi ini mengidentifikasi strategi kampanye komunikasi yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah untuk pelestarian bekantan dan habitatnya. Data dikumpulkan dengan metode purposive sampling, data primer diperoleh dari wawancara langsung dengan responden berdasarkan pedoman wawancara. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam melakukan kampanye untuk mempertahankan pembela secara lebih efektif menggunakan komunikasi sebagai strategi untuk menyampaikan informasi kepada khalayak luas. Media yang digunakan mulai dari media massa dan media nirmassa. Pemerintah berpendapat, komunikasi langsung atau tatap muka dianggap lebih efektif untuk menyampaikan sosialisasi tentang melestarikan bekantan. Selain itu, Pemerintah juga menerbitkan berbagai pamflet, selebaran, dan buku yang berisi informasi penting tentang pelestarian. Namun, penggunaan media sosial dan internet belum digunakan untuk kampanye komunikasi mengenai pelestarian monyet bekantan dan habitatnya. Ada beberapa faktor penghambat dalam upaya pelestarian satwa liar di Kuala Samboja. Hal ini disebabkan oleh fragmentasi habitat dan pola pengelolaan lahan karena konversi hutan dan kegiatan ilegal. Selain itu, karena masalah konflik lahan, tata ruang dan penegakan hukum serta tingkat kesadaran berbagai pihak menjadikan hal ini menjadi masalah krusial. Kata kunci: Strategi, Kampanye, Bekantan, Pelestarian, Komunikasi

scholarly journals TV Ombudsman: an argument against Pandora’s Box

Comunicar ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
María-Magdalena da-Costa-Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Right Of Privacy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right Of Privacy ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

To transform an individual pain into a collective feeling of suffering is a capacity of all mass media. However, television has, in this point, a tremendous power. The capacity to join millions of TV viewers in front of itself is its most admirable merit, but it’s also its most dreadful danger. Principally when the point are the human rights, as the right of privacy or the right of not suffer in the public space, the demand of quality appears not only as an obligation of the Government but also as a duty of citizenship of all TV viewers. Although it is not properly a novelty in some European countries, the existence of a TV Ombudsman2 will be a reality in Portugal only this year. The Government has approved a legal diploma to create this figure, which will evaluate the programming and information of the public channel RTP. As the ombudsmen of press that we already know, the TV Ombudsman will be the person who receives the critics and observations of TV viewers, evaluates them and writes about them an impression to the administration of the channel. Being a self-regulatory proceeding, the TV Ombudsman is fundamentally a mechanism that implicates citizens. It is not only an entity of vigilance on ethics of Television. It is essentially a platform of dialogue between journalists, programmers and TV viewers. As in the press, the Ombudsman is a mediator. Although it is probably not an absolute guarantee of quality, TV Ombudsman is surely an argument of citizens against the bad things diffused by the box that we believe is the one by which the most important of our lives goes trough. Transformar uma dor individual num sentimento colectivo de sofrimento é uma capacidade de todos os meios de massa. Todavia, a televisão tem a este título um poder tremendamente grande. A capacidade de reunir milhões de telespectadores à sua frente é o seu mais admirável mérito, mas também o seu mais temível perigo. Sobretudo quando estão em causa direitos humanos, como o direito à privacidade ou a não sofrer no espaço público, a procura de qualidade surge não somente como uma obrigação do governo como também como um dever de cidadania de todos os espectadores. Não sendo propriamente novidade em alguns países europeus, a existência do Provedor do Telespectador1 só será uma realidade em Portugal este ano. O governo aprovou um diploma para a criação desta figura que deverá avaliar a programação e a informação do canal público RTP. Como os provedores dos leitores que conhecemos, também o Provedor do Telespectador será a pessoa que receberá as críticas e as observações dos telespectadores, as avaliará e emitirá sobre elas um parecer para a administração do canal. Sendo um procedimento de auto-regulação, o Provedor do Telespectador é fundamentalmente uma entidade de vigilância da ética da televisão. Essencialmente é uma plataforma de diálogo entre jornalistas, programadores e telespectadores. Tal como na imprensa, o Provedor é um mediador. Ainda que não seja provavelmente uma garantia absoluta de qualidade, o Provedor do Telespectador é seguramente um argumento dos cidadãos contra os males difundidos pela caixa que se crê ser aquela por onde passa o mais importante das nossas vidas.

Society, Politics, and the Press: An Interpretation of the Peruvian Press Reform of 1974

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Gilbert
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Early Morning ◽  
Military Government ◽  
American Military ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

In the early morning hours of July 27, 1974, the military government of Peru employed riot police to seize control of the country's principal daily newspapers. The government announced that the newspapers were being transferred to independent organizations representative of broad sectors of Peruvian society. Peru's “Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces,” which came to power in 1968, had already surprised students of the Latin American military with a series of radical measures which included an extensive land reform, the expropriation of a number of foreign companies, reorganization of the financial sector, and the creation of a system of worker control for industry. Now President Juan Velasco Alvarado presented the press takeover as an integral part of a fundamental reordering of the existing society along progressive nationalist lines.

Breaking the News

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon A. Waldman ◽  
Emre Caliskan
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Democratic Deficit ◽  
Government Accountability ◽  
The Press ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Of Affairs

This chapter explains the severe and systemic restrictions of the press during the period of military tutelage. However, despite the armed forces being removed from political life, press censorship intensified during the AKP period. Under military tutelage, the press was severely curtailed, even compromised. While the erosion of the military’s power is good for democracy, freedom of expression did not improve. Instead of allowing the media to flourish, the government has manipulated it, co-opted it or attacked it fervently and furiously. The lack of a free and fair press in Turkey represents a significant democratic deficit. Not only does it avoid government accountability and erode a check on the power of the government, but it also highlights severe restrictions on freedom of expression. The fear and self-censorship of the media diminishes the internal debate on Turkish politics and the direction of the country, and it is a reflection of the state of affairs in Turkey as a whole.

scholarly journals Mass Media and Ideology Dissemination against Democracy in Thailand

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
Songyot Buaphuean
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Senior Citizen ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
False Consciousness ◽  
Online Newspapers ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Better Than

The study on “Mass Media and Ideology Dissemination against Democracy in Thailand” is qualitative study with the method of documentary research from text books, books, newspapers and online newspapers to find the definition of democracy which was the system of forming the elected government with the principle of sovereignty, majority, equality, freedom and laws. However, some mass media had false consciousness of democracy which included: election brought bad quality politicians; recruitment of persons to form the government was better than election; promotion of superstition; one man one vote was not for Thai society; capitalism deteriorated the nation; The Armed Forces worked for the people. Another concept was the idea that believed Thai society was praising the elite groups. The ideology said the society should obey the senior citizen who had morals, and the Armed Forces forced people to obey. 

scholarly journals National Pride and Social Trust in Russia in Cross-National Comparative Perspective

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marharyta Fabrykant
Keyword(s):  
Social Trust ◽  
Interpersonal Trust ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
National Pride ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
Positive Correlations

National pride and social trust are often perceived and used as alternative grounds for social cohesion. While national pride is essentially exclusive, because shared only by compatriots, trust in social institution is not, and the general interpersonal trust measured as trust in strangers is inclusive by definition. These differences create an opportunity for a variety of interrelations between national pride and various dimensions of social trust, depending on how certain kinds of individuals and institutions are perceived in relation to a country’s identity. This paper presents the results of a research examining interrelations between national pride and social trust in Russia compared to other countries. The empirical data used in the research come from the most recent wave of the World Values Survey, released in 2020. The results show that in Russia, national pride is positively related to trust in all major social institutions, including even international organizations. This pattern is observed in most countries (with the notable exception of the USA, where correlations between national pride and trust in some institutions, such as the press and the UN, are negative). These positive correlations in Russia are the strongest for trust in the churches, the armed forces, and the government; in most other countries, the pattern is similar but much less pronounced: the relation to trust in other institutions is not that weaker. The relation of national pride to various dimensions of interpersonal trust reveals a deeper difference: unlike in most countries, in Russia, national pride has no negative relation to trust in people of another nationality or religion but is significantly negatively related to strangers. Thus, apparently Russian scoring high on national pride are more ready to accept people with any kind of identity, however different from their own, than people whose identity is unknown and undefined.

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