scholarly journals Protection of Political Rights in Surabaya Regional Head Elections 2020 during the COVID 19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
Iman Pasu Purba ◽  
Alifia Widianti ◽  
Irma Lianna

The state must be responsible for fulfilling the political rights of every citizen. Political rights are one of the human rights that cannot be reduced by the state. Even though Indonesia is currently experiencing the Covid 19 Pandemic, the Government decided to hold simultaneous local elections due to various considerations. As for some of these considerations is the need for legal certainty of the election of new public officials because the previous period is up, the Covid 19 pandemic is not known when it will end, the strategic policies of the government must still be taken and implemented, and the main thing is to fulfill the political rights of Indonesian citizens who are a democracy based on the law. Therefore, it is considered necessary to explore how the country fulfills the political rights of the citizens of Surabaya during the Pandemic at the Simultaneously Regional Head Elections 2020. This study is conducted with empirical normative where researchers will examine every rule relevant to this theme and empirically review the implementation of government rules and policies in the fulfillment of people's political rights at the 2020 Regional Elections and the obstacles faced in the fulfillment process.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venera Nauryzova

The article states that the future of Kazakhstan is always directly linked to peace between peoples and an important element of the political system of our state is to ensure strict observance of the rights and freedoms of citizens regardless of nationality, uniting the interests of all nationalities. This means that political stability and social harmony play a special role in the development of our country and the strengthening of our relations with foreign countries. This is one of the fundamental principles of our state - stability, which allows the political system to maintain its structure and effectively live in the face of various internal and external changes. It is characterized by its contribution to the rapid development of the economy, stable growth in the welfare of the population, and the legitimacy and democracy of the political system. Political stability is not a consideration of the sustainable development of the state's political system based on strict principles, but rather the consideration of socio-economic, political changes and the development of society as a stabilizing factor in the socio-political environment. The main thing in political stability is to ensure the legitimacy, transparency, effectiveness of the government, stability of the observed norms and values of political culture, and order in political relations. For the state of Kazakhstan, the main issues are the stability of society, the consolidation of the state, the consolidation of society, and ensuring political stability


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 103-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlies Casier ◽  
Joost Jongerden ◽  
Nic Walker

AbstractFollowing the victory of the Kurdish party DTP (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, Democratic Society Party) in Turkey's southeastern provinces in the local elections of March 2009, Turkey witnessed the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party) government's Kurdish initiative, the closure of the victorious Kurdish party, and waves of arrests of Kurdish activists and politicians. This rush of action constituted a renewed effort to contain and roll back the political and societal influence of the Kurdish movement. But what is it exactly that the government and the state were attempting to contain, and why? This article considers the recent moves of the ruling AKP, the judiciary, and the Turkish Armed Forces in regard to the “Kurdish problem” in Turkey's southeast, interpreting them as different responses to the regional success of the Kurdish movement.


Rechtsidee ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
H.P. Wiratraman ◽  
Risdiana Izzaty ◽  
Aldyan Faizal

On December 9, 2020, regional elections will be held simultaneously in 270 electoral districts across Indonesia. However, during this period the elections will be held amid the Covid-19 pandemic. This decision raised problems because the Government seemed to clash the protection of the right to health and the right to life due to the pandemic with political rights in the name of democracy. This clash ultimately created a constitutional dilemma. Elections has the potential to create election clusters considering the number of Covid-19 spread and transmission in Indonesia is still high and has not shown a significant decline. The General Election Commission (KPU) stated that the elections would implement health protocols. Nevertheless, holding elections is not just a matter of thorough preparation, but it is high risk, and also expensive. There will be a possible low voter turnout which could affect the legitimacy of the elections results. Facing this constitutional dilemma, an alternative to postponing elections through representative democracy can be an option. If it continues to be held, at least the Government must consider the safety of citizens first by controlling the Covid-19 pandemic, which clearly the mandate of constitutional rights as non-derogable rights, rights that cannot be reduced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


2021 ◽  
pp. 125-133
Author(s):  
A. V. Yaschenko

The article attempts to assess the results of the development of the Russian economy from the moment of privatization to the present. The urgency of the problem lies in the fact that, despite significant resources, including human capital, the economy is stagnating, there are no structural reforms, and high-tech companies do not appear. The main thing is not creating conditions for business development on the principles of self-organization: entrepreneurship, initiative, personal competence and investment. Reforming the socio-economic system of the USSR has no historical analogue, and is perceived as a unique practice of testing some theoretical positions and hypotheses that guided researchers and entrepreneurs in the framework of a market economy, for example, the theory of market equilibrium, theory of the firm, theory of preferences, and others. Russia has demonstrated a kind of phenomenon, both from the point of view of theory and practice of market transformations, when it is not entrepreneurship, not the investment activity of business and the population, but the narrowly selfish interests of persons affiliated with the government, began to determine market processes, such an economy was called the «economy of individuals», And in the case of a direct focus on the state budget,» the economy of the distribution». The transformations could be based on the market experience of a large number of countries, both developed and developing (China), this has not been done. Time was lost on the creation of new jobs; in the industrial orientation of the state, there were no priorities for the development of important industries for national competitiveness. As a result, the economic growth was lost.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Annika Ullman

Principal C.J.L. Almqvist and the principle of personalityThe Swedish author and visionary Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) was the principal for twelve years (1829–1841) of the government-initiated pilot school ”Nya Elementarskolan” (New Elementary School) in Stockholm. In this position, he argued that both the school and the state should be built on the same basic idea: the right of individual freedom. This argument is often referred to as ”personlighetsprincipen” (the principle of personality), a concept launched by another prominent figure of the liberal culture of the time, Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847). This article explores how the principle of personality is expressed in the texts of Almqvist and is mainly built upon the concept’s allegorical resources. It examines the thesis that Almqvist’s use of the term is best understood if one distinguishes between the political, pedagogical, and existential dimension of the concept. The article ends with some thoughts about the context of the concept and a discussion on whether Almqvist had a greater interest in personalities than in principles.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-47
Author(s):  
Iqbal Shailo

The study examines how some renowned Hollywood and Bollywood movies deal with geopolitical representations of empire and regional politics through the construction of discourses centered on the building of “empire” and “nation”. These movies reflect how government machineries evaluate the political situation and strategic policies of the country in managing geopolitical environments through the construction of security narratives, political rhetoric and geopolitical discourses.  The narratives of specific Hollywood movies tend to explain contemporary geopolitics with an emphasis on America’s military power, strategy and world leadership while the genre of Bollywood movies reconnects the ideology of division through the establishment of geographies of ‘us’ and ‘them’ setting aside the so-called “secular face” of the state.


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