The Political Instrumentalization of Violence in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: The Case of Ibadan

2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale
Keyword(s):  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
General Elections

From May 29 1999, Nigeria joined the comity of ‘democratic’ nations once again, with the commencement of the Fourth Republic. Whereas, democracy is expected to be a platform for order, fairplay, justice, equality, the protection of human rights, etc., Nigeria’s democracy has, however, not been devoid of violence, which invariably seemingly negates its very essence. Focusing on happenings during the 2007 general elections, the paper investigates the political instrumentalization of violence in Ibadan, Nigeria. Both secondary and primary data were collected for the study through the review of relevant literature and oral interview with selected political actors identified through purposive sampling method. The signal that political events in Ibadan show is that of a pseudo-democratic system ‘sustained’ by violence rather that one primarily aimed at improving the welfare of the people. It is a system the political class craves for in order to gain access to state resources to finance patronage, patrimonialism and for personal gains. This is why violence has to be used to silence the opposition and actualize primitive and exploitative acquisition. Thus, what the 2007 General Elections have brought forth for Ibadan in particular, and Oyo state in general, is a system sustained by hoodlums for the sake of the political class and not the electorate.

scholarly journals Killing a Constitution with a Thousand Cuts: Executive Aggrandizement and Party-state Fusion in India

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Norms

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.

scholarly journals Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Kunle Awotokun ◽  
Olu Okotoni
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
Free Transition

The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed. The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.

A Reformation of Manners

The Puritans ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 144-171
Author(s):  
David D. Hall
Keyword(s):  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Reform ◽  
Civil State ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The People ◽  
To Come

This chapter addresses the Puritan version of a “reformation of manners” or moral reform, situating it within a larger anxiety about “decline.” As those who signed the Covenant of 1596 surely knew, perceptions of “decline” had prompted fast days in Scotland ever since the 1560s. Several of these exercises in repentance and covenanting were means to the end of a firmer alliance between a Protestant state church and a monarchy (or civil state) susceptible to Catholic or more moderate tendencies. This was the purpose of the Negative, or King's, Confession of 1580/81, when the young James VI and most of the political class pledged never to allow “the usurped tyranny of the Roman Antichrist” to return to Scotland. John Knox had organized a similar event in 1565 at a moment when the political fortunes of Mary Stuart were on the mend. Knox had called on the General Assembly to institute a countrywide fast directed against “idolatry,” with the queen as its implied target. Responding to Knox's sense of crisis, this assembly endorsed a “reformation of manners” and “public fast” as the means of “avoiding of the plagues and scourges of God, which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and ingratitude.” Simultaneously, it urged the queen to suppress “the Mass” and other “such idolatry and Papistical ceremonies.”

The Constitution of the Roman Republic

2020 ◽  
pp. 47-84
Author(s):  
Eric A. Posner
Keyword(s):  
Roman Republic ◽  
Agency Theory ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
American Constitution ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The People ◽  
Governmental Functions

The constitution of the Roman Republic featured a system of checks and balances that would eventually influence the American founders, yet it was very different from the system of separation of powers that the founders created. The Roman senate gave advice but did not legislate; the people voted directly on bills and appointments in popular assemblies; and a group of magistrates, led by a pair of consuls, proposed bills, brought prosecutions, served as judges, led military forces, and performed other governmental functions. This chapter analyzes the Roman constitution from the perspective of agency theory, and argues that the extensive checks and balances, which were intended to prevent the recurrence of monarchy, may have gone too far. Suitable for an earlier period in which the population was small and the political class was homogenous, the constitution proved unworkable when Rome acquired a vast, diverse empire. The lessons of Roman constitutionalism for the American constitution are also discussed.

scholarly journals The Development of the Constituent Social Class as Political Participation in Banda Aceh and Meulaboh

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Rena Juliana ◽  
Reni Juliani ◽  
Nurkhalis Nurkhalis
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The People ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Banda Aceh

Indonesia adheres to a democratic system of government. Each citizen, on the basis of the choice of ordinary people, chooses free political participation and then changes their direction as a sympathizer. Today, the excitement of political participation in Indonesian society to spread on Aceh has been somewhat hurt because some people have changed the political climate to be bad. This is reflected in the previous political participation side by side to deliver rhetoric to reap the voice of the people, but it has become a competition for each other. The purpose of this study is to find out what types of political participation occurred in constituents in Banda Aceh and West Aceh and who are the actors or groups that weaken or strengthen political participation in the constituents. The research method used is a qualitative approach with informants consisting of key informants, subject informants and non-subject informants. The results showed that the types of political participation in the constituents of Banda Aceh and West Aceh were very different and that sympathizers and political actors continued to strengthen and weaken the constituents. It is expected that this research will be a comparative study of the dynamics of policy in the Aceh region.

scholarly journals Political Process For Preparation Of Seated Island Regions As A Government Of Sebatik City ( 2006-2012) Nunukan Regency

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Didi Febriyandi
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Expansion Process ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
High Level

This paper looks at how the political dynamics that occurred in the Sebatik City expansion process in 2006-2012. The process of regional expansion can be understood as a political phenomenon by involving long administrative and political processes. This paper focuses on looking at political aspects so that it discusses in detail the interests of actors and how these actors articulate their interests. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. Primary data collection techniques are done through observation, structured interviews. For secondary data collection is done by documentation and library techniques.The results showed that the political process is complicated because it involves many interests of political actors making the Sebatik City expansion not realized until now. Although academic studies declared eligible and supported by the majority of Sebatik Island, high-level negotiations-negotiations have failed to realize Sebatik as Daera h Autonomy New (DOB). The political process that occurred did not create a consensus so that there was a conflict of interests that ultimately made the Sebatik City Expansion process hampered. Key Words: decentralization, regional autonomy, outer islands, division

scholarly journals Democracy and Political Marketing in Nigeria: 2015, The Critical Turning Point

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Akinola Olanrewaju Olugbenga ◽  
William Heuva
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Marketing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Critical Juncture ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Critical Turning Point

Nigeria’s current democratic dispensation which started in 1999 entered its sixteenth year with the general elections held between March 28 and April 11, 2015. This study takes a retrospective look at Nigeria’s democratic journey since independence, with particular emphasis on the 2015 Presidential elections won by the opposition All Progressive Congress’ (APC) candidate, General Mohammadu Buhari. The processes leading to the 2015 general elections; its results and reactions to the results and the electoral process are reviewed from the political marketing perspective. Survey, observation and review of relevant literature formed the body of data for the study. The study submits that market-oriented strategy is starting to evolve in Nigeria and also that the country has reached a critical juncture in her democratic journey and she cannot afford to slide back.

scholarly journals PUBLIC PERCEPTION REGARDING MONEY POLITICS IN GENERAL ELECTION 2019 (COMPARTIVE STUDY ON TEGAL CITY AND TEGAL REGENCY)

CosmoGov ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Sri Sutjiatmi ◽  
Dwian Hartomi Akta Padma Eldo ◽  
Arif Zainudin
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Method ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
High Knowledge ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
High Attitude

This paper is intended to look at the condition of Indonesia related to the still rampant occurrence of money politics which is a problem in the community when the 2019 elections simultaneously. This research takes a case study between Tegal City and Tegal Regency. The interesting thing in this study is to see how the community's assessment of the Tegal city and Tegal Regency groups regarding money politics in the 2019 elections simultaneously. The method used is a mixed method (between Mixed Methods) between quantitative and qualitative, by calculating the Solvin formula by deepening the analysis by interviewing the speakers directly. The results of the study showed that the people of Tegal City had a relatively high attitude of not paying attention to the Politics of Money in the General Election relating to the political money of the General Elections in 2019 at the same time. Unlike the people of Tegal Regency who consider money politics as a culture that is difficult to remove. Also interesting is the beginner voter group Tegal Regency has a fairly high knowledge about money politics that can damage the democratic system compared to the Beginner voters in Tegal City.

scholarly journals Political Dynasty in Eye of the Community (Sociological Study of Political Awareness in Bima Regency Election 2020)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Chairul Basrun Umanailo
Keyword(s):  
Sampling Technique ◽  
The Political ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Analysis Model ◽  
Sociological Study ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The People ◽  
Dynastic Politics ◽  
Opposition Group

The practice of dynastic politics in Bima Regency is a long drama of concentration of power during the last 20 years, where the last four periods of leadership were controlled by the royal family. The study of political dynasties is not related to a blue-blooded leader or not, but rather about the control of power in a particular family, but it happens that the families who practice dynastic politics in Bima are people from the royal family/sultanate who have indeed reigned in the sultanate. Bima, or to be more precise, the political actors of the dynasty in Bima were the sultan and his wife and children. This research uses qualitative methods with a qualitative descriptive approach. Sources of data in this study are the people of Bolo District who will become voters in the 2020 Pemilukada of Bima Regency. Sampling was based on purposive sampling technique. Data collection techniques are interviews, observation and documentation. The analysis technique used is an interactive analysis model, while the validity of the data uses the source triangulation technique. Dynastic politics in Bima Regency was done by using the image of the sultanate as cultural legitimacy. The Bima community, who were still at the Magis consciousness level, smoothed their steps in getting votes in the contestation for the regent election, even people at this level of awareness became very easy to exploit. The next advantage of the practice of dynastic politics in Bima is that most of the opposition elites are still trapped in a naïve level of awareness where the opposition group does not consider how to take strategic steps to overthrow the great power of the political dynasty. The opposition must accept defeat because it is unable to gather resources to overthrow its political opponents. This can be seen from how the opposition factions were divided into factions which made them weak.

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